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the Female Body GOVERNING

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210<br />

isabel molina guzmán & angharad n. valdivia<br />

Multiplicity and Homogeneity<br />

in <strong>the</strong> Discourse of Latinidad<br />

The tendency to classify and describe U.S. Latina and Latino bodies<br />

and populations as “Latina and Latino” is quite recent. Whereas<br />

previous formulations of <strong>the</strong> U.S. study of populations originating<br />

from Latin American included Chicano Studies to refer to Mexican<br />

origin populations and Boricua Studies to refer to Puerto Rican origin<br />

populations, <strong>the</strong> current usage of <strong>the</strong> category “Latina and Latino”<br />

represents an attempt to broaden <strong>the</strong> concept to include a comparative<br />

ethnic and Latina perspectives—in short, it is a response to and<br />

recognition of both material and symbolic changes—and <strong>the</strong> complex<br />

multiplicity of <strong>the</strong> U.S. Latina and Latino population. For example,<br />

Dominicans are quickly outnumbering Puerto Ricans in New York City;<br />

Nicaraguans are outnumbering Cubans in Miami; Los Angeles is <strong>the</strong><br />

second largest Mexican, Salvadorian, and Guatemalan city in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />

Given that <strong>the</strong> largest Mexican city, Mexico City, numbering 25 million<br />

people is <strong>the</strong> largest city in <strong>the</strong> world, being <strong>the</strong> second largest is<br />

demographically and symbolically significant. In fact, clusters of Latina<br />

and Latino populations live in almost all major cities, despite <strong>the</strong> fact<br />

that <strong>the</strong> bulk of Urban Studies and indeed <strong>the</strong> U.S. imaginary continue<br />

to circulate <strong>the</strong> binary discourse of <strong>the</strong> city as Black and suburbs as<br />

White, a binary that obscures <strong>the</strong> demographic diversity of <strong>the</strong> U.S.<br />

population and leaves Latina and Latinos and o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong> margins,<br />

in some unspecified undetermined space (Davis, 1999). Consider, for<br />

instance, <strong>the</strong> Levi’s jeans ad in <strong>the</strong> 2002 Super Bowl where a digitally<br />

enhanced Mexican man danced through a downtown street intersection<br />

in Mexico City. Despite <strong>the</strong> productive inclusion of Latinidad in<br />

<strong>the</strong> hyperexpensive and usually unreachable universe of Super Bowl<br />

ads, this ad placed <strong>the</strong> Latino body outside <strong>the</strong> boundaries of <strong>the</strong><br />

United States and thus underscored and supported <strong>the</strong> construction<br />

of U.S. urban space as Black and <strong>the</strong> location of Latina and Latinos as<br />

somewhere beyond <strong>the</strong> boundaries of U.S. cities and suburbia. As well<br />

dominant narratives situate Latina and Latinos bicoastally although <strong>the</strong><br />

fastest growing region for Latina and Latinos is <strong>the</strong> Midwest. Contrary<br />

to popular homogenizing constructions, <strong>the</strong> U.S. Latina and Latino<br />

population is geographically dispersed throughout and beyond <strong>the</strong><br />

states; racially, culturally, linguistically diverse; and multiple, dynamic,<br />

and perpetually transforming.<br />

The same can be said of <strong>the</strong> concept of Latinidad, which remains a<br />

dynamic, diverse, and changing set of attributes, styles, tendencies, and<br />

personas (much like <strong>the</strong> bodies and cultures that are assembled and

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