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210<br />
isabel molina guzmán & angharad n. valdivia<br />
Multiplicity and Homogeneity<br />
in <strong>the</strong> Discourse of Latinidad<br />
The tendency to classify and describe U.S. Latina and Latino bodies<br />
and populations as “Latina and Latino” is quite recent. Whereas<br />
previous formulations of <strong>the</strong> U.S. study of populations originating<br />
from Latin American included Chicano Studies to refer to Mexican<br />
origin populations and Boricua Studies to refer to Puerto Rican origin<br />
populations, <strong>the</strong> current usage of <strong>the</strong> category “Latina and Latino”<br />
represents an attempt to broaden <strong>the</strong> concept to include a comparative<br />
ethnic and Latina perspectives—in short, it is a response to and<br />
recognition of both material and symbolic changes—and <strong>the</strong> complex<br />
multiplicity of <strong>the</strong> U.S. Latina and Latino population. For example,<br />
Dominicans are quickly outnumbering Puerto Ricans in New York City;<br />
Nicaraguans are outnumbering Cubans in Miami; Los Angeles is <strong>the</strong><br />
second largest Mexican, Salvadorian, and Guatemalan city in <strong>the</strong> world.<br />
Given that <strong>the</strong> largest Mexican city, Mexico City, numbering 25 million<br />
people is <strong>the</strong> largest city in <strong>the</strong> world, being <strong>the</strong> second largest is<br />
demographically and symbolically significant. In fact, clusters of Latina<br />
and Latino populations live in almost all major cities, despite <strong>the</strong> fact<br />
that <strong>the</strong> bulk of Urban Studies and indeed <strong>the</strong> U.S. imaginary continue<br />
to circulate <strong>the</strong> binary discourse of <strong>the</strong> city as Black and suburbs as<br />
White, a binary that obscures <strong>the</strong> demographic diversity of <strong>the</strong> U.S.<br />
population and leaves Latina and Latinos and o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong> margins,<br />
in some unspecified undetermined space (Davis, 1999). Consider, for<br />
instance, <strong>the</strong> Levi’s jeans ad in <strong>the</strong> 2002 Super Bowl where a digitally<br />
enhanced Mexican man danced through a downtown street intersection<br />
in Mexico City. Despite <strong>the</strong> productive inclusion of Latinidad in<br />
<strong>the</strong> hyperexpensive and usually unreachable universe of Super Bowl<br />
ads, this ad placed <strong>the</strong> Latino body outside <strong>the</strong> boundaries of <strong>the</strong><br />
United States and thus underscored and supported <strong>the</strong> construction<br />
of U.S. urban space as Black and <strong>the</strong> location of Latina and Latinos as<br />
somewhere beyond <strong>the</strong> boundaries of U.S. cities and suburbia. As well<br />
dominant narratives situate Latina and Latinos bicoastally although <strong>the</strong><br />
fastest growing region for Latina and Latinos is <strong>the</strong> Midwest. Contrary<br />
to popular homogenizing constructions, <strong>the</strong> U.S. Latina and Latino<br />
population is geographically dispersed throughout and beyond <strong>the</strong><br />
states; racially, culturally, linguistically diverse; and multiple, dynamic,<br />
and perpetually transforming.<br />
The same can be said of <strong>the</strong> concept of Latinidad, which remains a<br />
dynamic, diverse, and changing set of attributes, styles, tendencies, and<br />
personas (much like <strong>the</strong> bodies and cultures that are assembled and