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Pink Ribbons Inc. 87<br />
consent of <strong>the</strong> patient, is also widely acknowledged as a turning point in<br />
<strong>the</strong> history of <strong>the</strong> disease (Brenner, 2000; Ehrenreich, 2001; Klawiter,<br />
2000; Lerner 2001). Kushner’s exposé prompted a decade of nationwide<br />
campaigning for informed consent legislation at <strong>the</strong> state level, and as<br />
activist and advocacy groups sprung up around <strong>the</strong> country, a national<br />
movement began to emerge.<br />
Through a variety of research techniques (journalistic and academic)<br />
and disciplinary foci, authors such as Roberta Altman (1996), Sharon<br />
Batt (1994), Barbara Brenner (2000), Maren Klawiter (2000), Ellen<br />
Leopold (1999a, Barron Lerner (2001), Alisa Solomon (1992), and<br />
Carole Stabiner (1997) trace <strong>the</strong> consolidation of this movement into<br />
an effective political force. These authors view <strong>the</strong> founding of <strong>the</strong><br />
National Alliance of Breast Cancer Organizations (NABCO) in 1986 and<br />
<strong>the</strong> creation of <strong>the</strong> National Breast Cancer Coalition (NBCC) fi ve years<br />
later as central to this process. 2 As a result of NBCC campaigning, in<br />
particular, federal government funding for breast cancer has increased<br />
dramatically (from $40 million in 1981, to $407 million in 1993, to<br />
$605 million in 2005), and breast cancer activists now enjoy a more<br />
active role in research funding decision processes and in research<br />
agenda setting.<br />
Maren Klawiter (2000) offers one of <strong>the</strong> most compelling accounts<br />
of this history, making visible <strong>the</strong> connections between changes in<br />
<strong>the</strong> medical management of breast cancer, <strong>the</strong> destigmatization of <strong>the</strong><br />
disease, and <strong>the</strong> growth of activism. She shows how a multiplication<br />
of treatment regimens, a proliferation of support groups, and <strong>the</strong><br />
expansion of screening into asymptomatic populations during <strong>the</strong><br />
1980s and 1990s helped produce new social spaces, solidarities, and<br />
sensibilities among breast cancer survivors and activists. In o<strong>the</strong>r words,<br />
changes in <strong>the</strong> treatment of women by <strong>the</strong> medical profession—changes<br />
preceded by fledgling activism—opened up numerous spaces in which<br />
women could talk openly about <strong>the</strong>ir experiences of <strong>the</strong> disease with<br />
one ano<strong>the</strong>r, thus enabling <strong>the</strong> emergence of a multifaceted breast<br />
cancer movement.<br />
This chapter builds on <strong>the</strong>se analyses by tracing <strong>the</strong> materialization<br />
of <strong>the</strong> “breast cancer survivor” as a category of identifi cation by focusing<br />
in particular on a hi<strong>the</strong>rto neglected but absolutely central force in<br />
<strong>the</strong> emergence of <strong>the</strong> breast cancer movement: <strong>the</strong> role of corporate<br />
philanthropy. 3 More specifi cally, it explores how breast cancer-directed<br />
corporate philanthropy has shaped <strong>the</strong> emergence of <strong>the</strong> breast cancer<br />
survivor as a category of identifi cation and <strong>the</strong> effects of this confi guration<br />
on <strong>the</strong> ways that <strong>the</strong> “problem of breast cancer” is understood and<br />
responded to.