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256<br />
barbara mennel<br />
(feminist) subjectivity, is marked by conflict between two positions<br />
that equally claim to represent a feminist stance but are utterly—and<br />
presumably for <strong>the</strong> women at <strong>the</strong> time painfully—at odds with each<br />
o<strong>the</strong>r. Applying Foucauldian concepts, including governmentality, to<br />
<strong>the</strong> divergent arguments of pro-s/m lesbians and anti-s/m feminists<br />
allows me not only to unlock <strong>the</strong>oretical and political impasses between<br />
<strong>the</strong>se two positions but also to take Foucault’s model of governmentality<br />
to task.<br />
Presupposing a clearly demarcated feminist movement, Macleod and<br />
Durrheim (2002) list as <strong>the</strong> “points of convergence” between Foucault<br />
and feminism <strong>the</strong> focus on sexuality, social domination as an aspect of<br />
<strong>the</strong> political, a critique of humanist and scientifi c “truth,” and a concern<br />
for personal relationships and everyday life (p. 42–43). But how can<br />
those “points of convergences” be mapped onto a feminist project when<br />
feminists disagree with each o<strong>the</strong>r precisely over <strong>the</strong> nature of sexuality<br />
in personal relationships and everyday life in a framework of patriarchal<br />
domination? The lesbian s/m debate is of interest for a discussion of<br />
Foucault precisely because <strong>the</strong> issues negotiated are central to Foucault’s<br />
own <strong>the</strong>oretical thinking: power, sexuality, and (self) knowledge. The<br />
sex wars’ two opposing positions seem to be easily summarized: s/m<br />
lesbians argued that employing <strong>the</strong> signifi ers of power to create pleasure<br />
among women represents subversive and liberating appropriation of<br />
regimes of dominance. Anti-s/m feminists argued that <strong>the</strong> signifi ers<br />
of s/m reference violent oppression and <strong>the</strong>ir erotic investment is thus<br />
juxtaposed to <strong>the</strong> feminist project of a utopian vision of nonhierarchical<br />
sexuality. Foucault (1978/2000) understands power as nei<strong>the</strong>r held by<br />
one person or group, nor operating from a center: “power relations are<br />
rooted deep in <strong>the</strong> social nexus, not a supplementary structure over and<br />
above ‘society’ whose radical effacement one could perhaps dream of”<br />
(p. 222). However, anti-s/m feminists conceptualize power as something<br />
that one can resist by opposing it and positioning oneself outside of it.<br />
To put it in simple terms: while s/m lesbians claim to transform power,<br />
anti-s/m feminists claim to reject it. Even though both positions rely on<br />
<strong>the</strong> centrality of <strong>the</strong> absolute signifi cance of gender, community, and a<br />
political vision of resistance and change, notions that are ei<strong>the</strong>r absent<br />
in Foucault’s <strong>the</strong>oretical model (gender and community) or questioned<br />
(resistance and change), both positions offer confl icting interpretations<br />
of <strong>the</strong>se notions.<br />
Thus, <strong>the</strong> positions of anti-s/m feminists and s/m lesbians pose a<br />
conceptual problem in relation to Foucault’s model of power, generally,<br />
and governmentality, specifi cally. Can one accuse anti-s/m feminist of<br />
misreading power or does <strong>the</strong>ir absolute rejection of signifi ers of patri-