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236<br />
karen throsby<br />
Drawing on a series of interviews with 15 women (whose male partners<br />
chose not to participate) and 13 couples, and using discourse analysis<br />
(Gill, 1996, 2000; Potter & We<strong>the</strong>rell, 1987; Wood & Kroger, 2000), this<br />
chapter explores <strong>the</strong> ways in which <strong>the</strong> participants both deployed and<br />
resisted discourses of nature and <strong>the</strong> gendered body in relation to <strong>the</strong><br />
engagement with IVF to locate <strong>the</strong>mselves as “normal.” The participants<br />
had all had IVF unsuccessfully at least once with <strong>the</strong>ir most recent cycle<br />
having failed and having taken place at least two years prior to <strong>the</strong><br />
interviews. The participants were recruited through <strong>the</strong> dormant patient<br />
records at a specialist fertility unit in a large National Health Service<br />
(NHS) teaching hospital. However, importantly, a relative paucity of<br />
NHS funding for IVF means that approximately 80% of all IVF cycles<br />
in <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom are self-funded by <strong>the</strong> patients, ei<strong>the</strong>r in NHS<br />
units or within <strong>the</strong> private sector. There are long waiting lists for funded<br />
treatment, and patients, <strong>the</strong>refore, commonly undergo treatment in<br />
several clinics, moving between <strong>the</strong> private and <strong>the</strong> public sector (as<br />
was <strong>the</strong> case for many of <strong>the</strong> participants in this study). The number of<br />
cycles undergone ranged from 1 to 13, and <strong>the</strong> amount of money spent<br />
on treatment ranged from nominal amounts up to well in excess of<br />
$30,000. The participants were predominantly (although by no means<br />
exclusively) White, middle class, and educated to degree or professional<br />
level—an outcome that has been well-documented by o<strong>the</strong>r studies in<br />
this fi eld (Daniluk, 1996; Franklin, 1997; Sandelowski, 1993).<br />
This chapter is divided into two sections: <strong>the</strong> fi rst section argues<br />
that IVF produces an imperative to engage with it, but that this can be<br />
mobilized, post-IVF failure to produce a new, technologically mediated,<br />
legitimized form of childlessness; <strong>the</strong> second section looks at <strong>the</strong> ways in<br />
which women surveilled and disciplined <strong>the</strong>ir own bodies to maximize<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir chances of treatment success and minimize <strong>the</strong>ir own sense of<br />
responsibility for its failure. The analysis explores <strong>the</strong> ways in which<br />
this discursive work is both produced by, and productive of, gendered<br />
bodily governance in ways that impact deleteriously, but asymmetrically,<br />
on both men and women. The chapter concludes by arguing that IVF,<br />
for all its rhetorical “newness,” is predicated on deeply entrenched<br />
problematic discursive resources and practices around <strong>the</strong> gendered<br />
body, mo<strong>the</strong>rhood, and nature, which are both resisted and deployed<br />
by women in <strong>the</strong> management and negotiation of IVF failure.<br />
‘Our consciences are clear’<br />
The rise of IVF as a relatively mainstream reproductive technology has<br />
been swift and widespread. In <strong>the</strong> 31 years since <strong>the</strong> birth of <strong>the</strong> fi rst