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Foucault, Philanthropy, and Governmentality<br />
Pink Ribbons Inc. 89<br />
The pages that follow explore <strong>the</strong> popular appeal of breast cancerdirected<br />
corporate philanthropy by examining not so much why it has<br />
gained such appeal, but how this appeal is constituted, deployed, and<br />
understood by those who create and participate in it. Although my<br />
analysis is concerned with <strong>the</strong> popularity of events such as <strong>the</strong> Race<br />
for <strong>the</strong> Cure and practices such as cause-related marketing, it does not<br />
proceed from <strong>the</strong> assumption that <strong>the</strong>se phenomena simply attract<br />
<strong>the</strong> participation of fully formed subjects and citizens. Ra<strong>the</strong>r, in <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
capacity as fund-raising ventures; marketing enterprises, practices and<br />
sites of consumption; physical activities; collective experiences; mass<br />
movements; and pedagogical tools, <strong>the</strong>y are technologies of power, or a<br />
set of practices and discourses, that have constitutive effects (Foucault,<br />
1979, 1980). Drawing on <strong>the</strong> work of Michel Foucault (1991), and<br />
contemporary <strong>the</strong>orists of governmentality such as Nikolas Rose (1999),<br />
I conceptualize <strong>the</strong>se technologies as mechanisms of governance that<br />
help shape identities (e.g., “<strong>the</strong> breast cancer survivor”), cultivate<br />
political subjects (e.g., “<strong>the</strong> volunteer citizen”), and produce knowledges<br />
and truths about breast cancer and how best it might be responded to.<br />
Thus, through <strong>the</strong> course of my investigations, I explore <strong>the</strong> productive<br />
functions and effects of breast cancer philanthropy and examine its<br />
articulation to broader questions about <strong>the</strong> character of contemporary<br />
U.S. culture and citizenship.<br />
By analyzing <strong>the</strong>se technologies of power in a broader context, my<br />
aim is to highlight <strong>the</strong> ways in which government, or <strong>the</strong> conduct<br />
of conduct, has in <strong>the</strong> past two decades become centrally concerned<br />
with <strong>the</strong> production of civically active, self-responsible citizens. While<br />
citizenship responsibilities in this confi guration are most frequently<br />
enacted through consumption, <strong>the</strong> ideal citizen is not, to quote Nikolas<br />
Rose (1999), “<strong>the</strong> isolated and selfi sh atom of <strong>the</strong> free market” (p. 166).<br />
Instead, in <strong>the</strong> contemporary organization of political responsibility,<br />
subjects are addressed and understood as individuals who are responsible<br />
for <strong>the</strong>mselves and for o<strong>the</strong>rs in <strong>the</strong>ir “community.” Ideally, responsibility<br />
is not to be demonstrated by paying taxes to support social welfare<br />
programs or by expressing dissent and making political demands on<br />
behalf of one’s fellow citizens. Instead, in <strong>the</strong> words of former President<br />
Bill Clinton, Americans must be taught that “to be a good citizen, in<br />
addition to going to work and going to school and paying your taxes and<br />
obeying <strong>the</strong> law, you have to be involved in community service” (Hall<br />
& Nichols, 1997, p. A12).