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the Female Body GOVERNING

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130<br />

joshua gunn & mary douglas vavrus<br />

complexions), <strong>the</strong>ir dispositions (no more premenstrual snarling or<br />

depression), <strong>the</strong>ir health (no more endometriosis or ovarian cancer),<br />

and <strong>the</strong>ir generally unruly bodies (no more smells, “accidents,” or<br />

strange cravings for chocolate or sex). The net effect is what, following<br />

and expanding on Foucault, numerous feminists have framed as <strong>the</strong><br />

“female, docile body” (p. 9).<br />

Sarafem, Seasonale, and Remifemin encourage internalizing docility<br />

for women through a gyniatric apparatus. Postfeminist discursive practices<br />

constitute an important part of this apparatus and aid signifi cantly<br />

in <strong>the</strong> pharmaceutical industry’s governance of a population of postmenarche,<br />

bourgeois female bodies. By articulating menstruation and<br />

menopause treatment to individualized self-care, materialized through<br />

commodifi cation and consumerism, postfeminism operates in <strong>the</strong> service<br />

of biopower.<br />

However totalizing this discourse may seem, particularly where it is<br />

articulated to an apparatus of governance, biopower leaves us an out.<br />

That is, in its blindness to <strong>the</strong> particular disciplining of <strong>the</strong> individual<br />

on <strong>the</strong> basis of dichotomies, a governmental rationality of security, in<br />

its exercise of biopower, also helps to generate:<br />

a new kind of counterpolitics. As governmental practices have<br />

addressed <strong>the</strong>mselves in an increasingly immediate way to “life”. . .<br />

individuals have begun to formulate <strong>the</strong> needs and imperatives of<br />

that same life as <strong>the</strong> basis for political counter-demands. Gordon,<br />

1991, p. 5)<br />

To wit, just as discipline produces deviancy, so too does <strong>the</strong> emergence<br />

of biopower produce counterconducts that are able to thrive precisely<br />

because <strong>the</strong> norm has replaced <strong>the</strong> rule.<br />

One important reason that <strong>the</strong> emergence of biopower is signifi cant is<br />

that <strong>the</strong> “life” it concerns is always capable of outwitting any biopolitics<br />

of regulation, for example, rallies for reproductive rights (see Gordon,<br />

1991, p. 5) and even resistance to <strong>the</strong> pharmaceutical pathologization<br />

of <strong>the</strong> process of menstruation (see Stein, 2003). The potential “reversibility”<br />

of biopolitics means that <strong>the</strong> arena of possible action is always<br />

open. Biopower is <strong>the</strong> apo<strong>the</strong>osis of a managerial abstraction that closes<br />

down some possibilities as it opens o<strong>the</strong>rs. In this case, <strong>the</strong> advertisements<br />

and media reports that promote Sarafem and Seasonale have<br />

been met with skepticism by feminists, some journalists, and medical<br />

researchers. That <strong>the</strong>ir criticisms, although not commensurate with <strong>the</strong><br />

products’ promotions, reach mainstream media at all exemplifi es what<br />

biopower may permit.

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