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130<br />
joshua gunn & mary douglas vavrus<br />
complexions), <strong>the</strong>ir dispositions (no more premenstrual snarling or<br />
depression), <strong>the</strong>ir health (no more endometriosis or ovarian cancer),<br />
and <strong>the</strong>ir generally unruly bodies (no more smells, “accidents,” or<br />
strange cravings for chocolate or sex). The net effect is what, following<br />
and expanding on Foucault, numerous feminists have framed as <strong>the</strong><br />
“female, docile body” (p. 9).<br />
Sarafem, Seasonale, and Remifemin encourage internalizing docility<br />
for women through a gyniatric apparatus. Postfeminist discursive practices<br />
constitute an important part of this apparatus and aid signifi cantly<br />
in <strong>the</strong> pharmaceutical industry’s governance of a population of postmenarche,<br />
bourgeois female bodies. By articulating menstruation and<br />
menopause treatment to individualized self-care, materialized through<br />
commodifi cation and consumerism, postfeminism operates in <strong>the</strong> service<br />
of biopower.<br />
However totalizing this discourse may seem, particularly where it is<br />
articulated to an apparatus of governance, biopower leaves us an out.<br />
That is, in its blindness to <strong>the</strong> particular disciplining of <strong>the</strong> individual<br />
on <strong>the</strong> basis of dichotomies, a governmental rationality of security, in<br />
its exercise of biopower, also helps to generate:<br />
a new kind of counterpolitics. As governmental practices have<br />
addressed <strong>the</strong>mselves in an increasingly immediate way to “life”. . .<br />
individuals have begun to formulate <strong>the</strong> needs and imperatives of<br />
that same life as <strong>the</strong> basis for political counter-demands. Gordon,<br />
1991, p. 5)<br />
To wit, just as discipline produces deviancy, so too does <strong>the</strong> emergence<br />
of biopower produce counterconducts that are able to thrive precisely<br />
because <strong>the</strong> norm has replaced <strong>the</strong> rule.<br />
One important reason that <strong>the</strong> emergence of biopower is signifi cant is<br />
that <strong>the</strong> “life” it concerns is always capable of outwitting any biopolitics<br />
of regulation, for example, rallies for reproductive rights (see Gordon,<br />
1991, p. 5) and even resistance to <strong>the</strong> pharmaceutical pathologization<br />
of <strong>the</strong> process of menstruation (see Stein, 2003). The potential “reversibility”<br />
of biopolitics means that <strong>the</strong> arena of possible action is always<br />
open. Biopower is <strong>the</strong> apo<strong>the</strong>osis of a managerial abstraction that closes<br />
down some possibilities as it opens o<strong>the</strong>rs. In this case, <strong>the</strong> advertisements<br />
and media reports that promote Sarafem and Seasonale have<br />
been met with skepticism by feminists, some journalists, and medical<br />
researchers. That <strong>the</strong>ir criticisms, although not commensurate with <strong>the</strong><br />
products’ promotions, reach mainstream media at all exemplifi es what<br />
biopower may permit.