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the Female Body GOVERNING

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196<br />

ronald walter greene & david breshears<br />

and high culture, limited-edition work” (p. 172). In o<strong>the</strong>r words, <strong>the</strong><br />

NIDCL refers to how cultural work is done in and across nation-states<br />

and how <strong>the</strong> distribution of <strong>the</strong> types of work and <strong>the</strong> value of that work<br />

makes a profi t possible. The most extensive research on <strong>the</strong> explanatory<br />

value of <strong>the</strong> NIDCL for understanding <strong>the</strong> changes brought about by<br />

transnational production is <strong>the</strong> case of Hollywood. For Miller and<br />

his coinvestigators, “Hollywood reproduces and regulates <strong>the</strong> NIDCL<br />

through its control over cultural labor markets, international co-production,<br />

intellectual property, marketing, distribution and exhibition”<br />

(Miller, Govil, McMurria, & Maxwell, 2001, p. 18). The key economic<br />

question is “will deindustrial states lose jobs to <strong>the</strong> periphery, while<br />

retaining super-profi ts for <strong>the</strong>ir own ruling elite” (Miller, 1998, p. 173).<br />

“Global Hollywood” provides one model by which we can attempt to<br />

account for spatial and temporal coordinates of <strong>the</strong> NIDCL for <strong>the</strong><br />

production and circulation of value. However, we suggest that PCI<br />

provides ano<strong>the</strong>r model.<br />

In <strong>the</strong> case of PCI, <strong>the</strong> NIDCL is associated less with profi ts and<br />

jobs and more with <strong>the</strong> dissemination and distribution of norms. In<br />

our terms, PCI demonstrates <strong>the</strong> emergence of biopolitical media<br />

industries as central actors in <strong>the</strong> governance of female bodies. We<br />

defi ne biopolitical media industries as organizations that produce,<br />

disseminate, and evaluate communication programs, practices, and<br />

technologies to improve <strong>the</strong> health and well-being of a population. For<br />

Foucault (1990), biopolitics describes how modern forms of governance<br />

rely on <strong>the</strong> promotion of life through <strong>the</strong> maximization of capacities<br />

of individuals and groups to improve <strong>the</strong>ir welfare. As such, biopower<br />

works by distributing populations around <strong>the</strong> production of norms<br />

more so than <strong>the</strong> “murderous splendor” of sovereign right (Foucault,<br />

1990, p. 144). Colin Gordon (1991) fur<strong>the</strong>r remarks that biopolitics<br />

concerns itself “with subjects as members of a population, in which<br />

issues of individual sexual and reproductive conduct interconnect with<br />

issues of national policy and power” (pp. 4–5). While often deployed and<br />

organized in terms of national policy, biopolitical media industries work<br />

as often above and below <strong>the</strong> nation-state contributing to <strong>the</strong> uneven<br />

global fl ow of images and narratives in an effort to attach norms of<br />

behavior to new populations. Entertainment-education is one cultural<br />

form in which commercial and noncommercial enterprises participate<br />

in <strong>the</strong> creation of a biopolitical media industry.<br />

Biopolitical governance describes how populations learn, train, and<br />

promote behaviors and capacities that will make <strong>the</strong>m healthy, virtuous,<br />

wise, and economically efficient. Biopolitical media harness <strong>the</strong> NIDCL

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