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Gender, Pathology, Spectacle 77<br />
subject. (p. 40; see also Figert, 1996, for a discussion of <strong>the</strong> DSM<br />
and premenstrual syndrome; Kirk and Kutchins, 1992, for a general<br />
discussion of <strong>the</strong> politics of <strong>the</strong> DSM and surrounding <strong>the</strong> DSM and<br />
homosexuality)<br />
As Stone argues, this notion of a location technology is useful toward<br />
analyzing <strong>the</strong>se two cases of Internet addiction because <strong>the</strong>y link to<br />
cultural struggles surrounding defi nitions of a proper single physical<br />
body, a proper single awareness of self, proper geography through<br />
techniques of psychological testing, and classifi cation within a “grid of<br />
coordinates,” all of which become internalized by and through a specifi c<br />
technohabitus even as <strong>the</strong>y participate in <strong>the</strong> formation of that same<br />
technohabitus. And, again, this “location” is internalized and <strong>the</strong>refore<br />
mobile and functions as one instance of <strong>the</strong> materialization of <strong>the</strong> new<br />
media technohabitus as particular modes of technological being, habits<br />
and lifestyles become assembled, naturalized, and internalized.<br />
Conclusion: On Healthy Computer Use as a Technology of Gender,<br />
Communication, Family, and Home<br />
In conclusion, <strong>the</strong> discourses and practices around computer addiction<br />
can be seen as <strong>the</strong> structuring structure of sociotechnological relations<br />
that become organized, stabilized, and internalized as <strong>the</strong> “proper” set<br />
of dispositions and relations between humans and new technological<br />
pros<strong>the</strong>ses, of body, self, and identities. In this sense, Internet addiction<br />
functions toward <strong>the</strong> organization of a specifi c technohabitus through<br />
its articulation to this extended history surrounding <strong>the</strong> “hystericization”<br />
of female bodies, women’s historical struggles and strategies to<br />
elude authorities (psychomedical, discursive, and material), and related<br />
prescriptions and containments of gendered bodies and behaviors.<br />
Thus, amid myriad possibilities, as Balsamo (1996), Nakamura<br />
(1999)—and <strong>the</strong> cases of Sandra Hacker and Glenda Farrell described<br />
here—demonstrate, cyberspace and o<strong>the</strong>r technosocial environments<br />
are not simply spaces of unlimited—or, ra<strong>the</strong>r, unorganized—formations.<br />
Ra<strong>the</strong>r, many familiar social codes have been, and are in <strong>the</strong><br />
process of becoming renaturalized in technosocial spaces. In turn,<br />
new media technological practices become normalized through<br />
<strong>the</strong>ir produced attachment to existing cultural values and practices.<br />
Nakamura, for example, suggests that, while escaping racial categories<br />
and boundaries is technologically possible, <strong>the</strong> culturally intelligible<br />
body online still remains fixed in a modern logic of racial boundaries.<br />
Balsamo (1996) similarly argues that even while <strong>the</strong> “natural” human