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Productive Bodies 141<br />

In <strong>the</strong> 1980s <strong>the</strong> economic downturn affected <strong>the</strong> labor force in<br />

its entirety. As Jenson et al. (1988) explain, <strong>the</strong> expanse of global<br />

capital on <strong>the</strong> world market shifted <strong>the</strong> economic structures of advanced<br />

industrialized countries. “The link between mass production and stable<br />

demand collapsed in <strong>the</strong> face of a process of increasing internalization of<br />

capitalism and interpenetration of domestic economies by one ano<strong>the</strong>r”<br />

(p. 9). The effects of <strong>the</strong> ebbs and fl ows within global capital resulted<br />

in a signifi cantly altered labor force. In <strong>the</strong> face of recession, businesses<br />

responded by downsizing, cutting costs by turning full-time labor into<br />

part-time labor, stagnating wages, and replacing human bodies with new<br />

technologies. Businesses drastically altered <strong>the</strong>ir structure by shortening<br />

product production time and increasing fl exibility in response to an<br />

unpredictable global market (see Blackwelder, 1997, p 206; Jenson et<br />

al., 1988, pp. 9–10).<br />

Peter S. Albin and Eileen Appelbaum (1988) explain that in <strong>the</strong><br />

unstable 1980s economy, temporary work began to replace both fulltime<br />

and part-time work. Although <strong>the</strong> proportion of female part-time<br />

laborers had remained constant since <strong>the</strong> late 1970s, “<strong>the</strong> part-time<br />

employment of women [became] increasingly involuntary” (p. 148) as<br />

women who had previously had full-time positions were now redirected<br />

to part-time work. Moreover, “involuntary part-time employment of<br />

women, which accounted for 12% of part-time workers in 1970, counted<br />

for 22% by 1986” (p. 148). Although part-time employment paralleled<br />

“<strong>the</strong> expansion of traditional service industries, <strong>the</strong> growth of temporary<br />

employment . . . outpaced <strong>the</strong> American economy as a whole” by <strong>the</strong> late<br />

1980s (p. 148). In addition, with <strong>the</strong> intensifi cation of computers and<br />

newly developing rapid communication systems, <strong>the</strong> labor force altered<br />

as large companies that at one time employed a signifi cant amount of<br />

full-time employees, began maintaining a “core” of full-time employees,<br />

supplemented with temporary laborers (p. 149). These temporary<br />

laborers were disposed of at <strong>the</strong> whim of <strong>the</strong> economy, not unlike <strong>the</strong><br />

part-time female laborers of <strong>the</strong> 1950s.<br />

In this precarious and volatile economy, <strong>the</strong> laborers who possessed<br />

traditional female characteristics were <strong>the</strong> most likely to survive. In<br />

this new economy, an employable employee needed to be fl exible,<br />

open to change, able to keep up with rapidly altering communication<br />

systems, while navigating <strong>the</strong> rocky terrain of global capital. Emily<br />

Martin (1994, 1995) articulates that <strong>the</strong> physical body of <strong>the</strong> worker, and<br />

<strong>the</strong> organizational system of <strong>the</strong> corporation, must both be “fl exible.”<br />

She (1995) writes, “The successful and ideal organization is no longer<br />

a monolithic, hierarchical bureaucracy but a fl eeting, fl uid network of<br />

alliances with great organizational fl exibility” (p. 225). The worker must

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