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Productive Bodies 141<br />
In <strong>the</strong> 1980s <strong>the</strong> economic downturn affected <strong>the</strong> labor force in<br />
its entirety. As Jenson et al. (1988) explain, <strong>the</strong> expanse of global<br />
capital on <strong>the</strong> world market shifted <strong>the</strong> economic structures of advanced<br />
industrialized countries. “The link between mass production and stable<br />
demand collapsed in <strong>the</strong> face of a process of increasing internalization of<br />
capitalism and interpenetration of domestic economies by one ano<strong>the</strong>r”<br />
(p. 9). The effects of <strong>the</strong> ebbs and fl ows within global capital resulted<br />
in a signifi cantly altered labor force. In <strong>the</strong> face of recession, businesses<br />
responded by downsizing, cutting costs by turning full-time labor into<br />
part-time labor, stagnating wages, and replacing human bodies with new<br />
technologies. Businesses drastically altered <strong>the</strong>ir structure by shortening<br />
product production time and increasing fl exibility in response to an<br />
unpredictable global market (see Blackwelder, 1997, p 206; Jenson et<br />
al., 1988, pp. 9–10).<br />
Peter S. Albin and Eileen Appelbaum (1988) explain that in <strong>the</strong><br />
unstable 1980s economy, temporary work began to replace both fulltime<br />
and part-time work. Although <strong>the</strong> proportion of female part-time<br />
laborers had remained constant since <strong>the</strong> late 1970s, “<strong>the</strong> part-time<br />
employment of women [became] increasingly involuntary” (p. 148) as<br />
women who had previously had full-time positions were now redirected<br />
to part-time work. Moreover, “involuntary part-time employment of<br />
women, which accounted for 12% of part-time workers in 1970, counted<br />
for 22% by 1986” (p. 148). Although part-time employment paralleled<br />
“<strong>the</strong> expansion of traditional service industries, <strong>the</strong> growth of temporary<br />
employment . . . outpaced <strong>the</strong> American economy as a whole” by <strong>the</strong> late<br />
1980s (p. 148). In addition, with <strong>the</strong> intensifi cation of computers and<br />
newly developing rapid communication systems, <strong>the</strong> labor force altered<br />
as large companies that at one time employed a signifi cant amount of<br />
full-time employees, began maintaining a “core” of full-time employees,<br />
supplemented with temporary laborers (p. 149). These temporary<br />
laborers were disposed of at <strong>the</strong> whim of <strong>the</strong> economy, not unlike <strong>the</strong><br />
part-time female laborers of <strong>the</strong> 1950s.<br />
In this precarious and volatile economy, <strong>the</strong> laborers who possessed<br />
traditional female characteristics were <strong>the</strong> most likely to survive. In<br />
this new economy, an employable employee needed to be fl exible,<br />
open to change, able to keep up with rapidly altering communication<br />
systems, while navigating <strong>the</strong> rocky terrain of global capital. Emily<br />
Martin (1994, 1995) articulates that <strong>the</strong> physical body of <strong>the</strong> worker, and<br />
<strong>the</strong> organizational system of <strong>the</strong> corporation, must both be “fl exible.”<br />
She (1995) writes, “The successful and ideal organization is no longer<br />
a monolithic, hierarchical bureaucracy but a fl eeting, fl uid network of<br />
alliances with great organizational fl exibility” (p. 225). The worker must