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“Doing What Comes Naturally . . .” 235<br />
of “meddling with nature,” with each new announcement or scientifi c<br />
development seen as (potentially, at least) undermining what it means<br />
to be human (see Fukuymama, 2003; Gosden, 1999; Silver, 1999). For<br />
IVF to be “normal,” <strong>the</strong>n, <strong>the</strong> engagement with it must necessarily be<br />
located within <strong>the</strong> domain of “natural” reproduction. When treatment<br />
is successful, <strong>the</strong> presence of a reassuringly “natural” baby performs<br />
much of <strong>the</strong> work of alleviating anxiety about “meddling with nature,”<br />
with <strong>the</strong> “natural” order restored through reproduction. However, <strong>the</strong><br />
reality of IVF in <strong>the</strong> United Kingdom is that almost 80% of all treatment<br />
cycles started are unsuccessful, leaving those for whom treatment is<br />
unsuccessful to negotiate not only what it means to have technologized<br />
<strong>the</strong> “natural” reproductive process, but also to be living ei<strong>the</strong>r without<br />
children or without <strong>the</strong> desired number of children.<br />
Those for whom IVF fails and who subsequently stop treatment fi nd<br />
<strong>the</strong>mselves ambiguously and liminally located in relation to reproductive<br />
norms: <strong>the</strong>y have tried to conceive, but have been unable to; <strong>the</strong>y desire<br />
(genetic) children, but are no longer actively pursuing that desire<br />
through IVF, and <strong>the</strong>y have brought technology into <strong>the</strong> reproductive<br />
process without <strong>the</strong> counterbalancing “natural” baby. This liminal location<br />
is what Elspeth Probyn (1996) has described as one of “outside<br />
belonging”—a state of “ongoing inbetweenness” (p. 6) that is full of both<br />
possibility and risk. As Rosi Braidotti (1994) observes, “it is crowded<br />
at <strong>the</strong> margins, and nonbelonging can be hell” (p. 20). The patients,<br />
and particularly <strong>the</strong> women, have to do <strong>the</strong> work of negotiating <strong>the</strong><br />
“ongoing inbetweenness” of <strong>the</strong>ir experiences. This burden of work can<br />
be described as <strong>the</strong> “negotiation of normality” (Throsby, 2002, 2004)<br />
and is performed through a panoply of profoundly gendered disciplinary<br />
techniques, which extend both temporally and spatially beyond <strong>the</strong><br />
confi nes of <strong>the</strong> clinical encounter. This multiplicity of “techniques<br />
for achieving <strong>the</strong> subjugation of bodies” (Foucault, 1978, p. 140) can<br />
be seen as a manifestation of biopower, which Foucault describes as<br />
“everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but because it comes<br />
from everywhere” (p. 93), emerging through disciplinary practices over<br />
individual bodies and regulatory practices over populations (p. 140). In<br />
<strong>the</strong> engagement with IVF, women’s bodies become <strong>the</strong> intense focus of<br />
medical and social surveillance, which is matched by women’s rigorous<br />
policing of <strong>the</strong>ir own bodies, constituting a panoptical “trap” (p. 200)<br />
whereby <strong>the</strong> individual “who is subjected to a fi eld of visibility, and who<br />
knows it, assumes <strong>the</strong> responsibility for <strong>the</strong> constraints of power . . .”<br />
(p. 202). The material-discursive work of locating <strong>the</strong> self as natural/<br />
normal, post-IVF, <strong>the</strong>n, is ongoing, and <strong>the</strong> achievement of watchful<br />
docility is hard work.