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Gender, Pathology, Spectacle 63<br />

radio (Douglas, 1991), and psychological effects of television on children<br />

(Spigel, 1992). Public discussion about <strong>the</strong> telephone addressed appropriate<br />

and inappropriate uses of <strong>the</strong> phone in gendered terms: women<br />

were said to waste <strong>the</strong> technology with gossip whereas men used it for<br />

serious business (Fischer, 1992, p. 231; Lubar, 1992, p. 32; Marvin, 1988,<br />

p. 23). Disease and drug metaphors were attached to radio (Douglas,<br />

1991, p. xv), and Spigel (1992) describes how <strong>the</strong> incorporation of <strong>the</strong><br />

radio into <strong>the</strong> space of <strong>the</strong> home was met with an astute concentration<br />

on how it could be used without distracting women from <strong>the</strong>ir necessary<br />

domestic responsibilities or disrupting accepted gender roles (see<br />

also Wilkins, 1931). Later, similar fears arose with television. Spigel<br />

describes <strong>the</strong> particularly gendered narratives through which television<br />

was installed into <strong>the</strong> home, and pays particular attention to <strong>the</strong><br />

public discourse surrounding, and management of, concerns regarding<br />

television’s potential to disrupt <strong>the</strong> gendered order of <strong>the</strong> home. NBC,<br />

for example, managed gender by suggesting that women could make<br />

<strong>the</strong>ir domestic chores more pleasant by organizing and performing <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

tasks around <strong>the</strong>ir favorite television programs (p. 86).<br />

Similarly, worries about computer technologies focused, at least in<br />

part, on concerns about how <strong>the</strong> new machine might disrupt or overturn<br />

traditional gender and family ideals. Fafl ick (1982), for example,<br />

described “how families come apart in <strong>the</strong> face of <strong>the</strong> micro invasion”<br />

(p. 80). It is well-known that <strong>the</strong> introduction of computers into U.S.<br />

culture did not occur without struggle, that it required much work to<br />

rearticulate computers from being feared (masculine) war machines into<br />

“friendly” household appliances (Reed, 2000). Early in <strong>the</strong> history of<br />

computing, <strong>the</strong> “friendship” between people and computers was largely<br />

a friendship between men and <strong>the</strong>ir computers, and it was during this<br />

time that <strong>the</strong> term “computer widow” emerged (cf. Van Dusen, 1983).<br />

Articles such as “My Husband’s Computer Was My Competition” (Scott,<br />

1982) counseled women about how to cope with <strong>the</strong>ir husbands’ neglect<br />

as a result of his “computer enthusiasm” (Hollands, 1985). O<strong>the</strong>r books<br />

and articles similarly “guided” families about how to bring <strong>the</strong> computer<br />

into <strong>the</strong> home with minimal interruption (Levine, 1983; Joan & Levine<br />

et al., 1984; Wollman, 1984). A 1982 issue of <strong>the</strong> Saturday Evening Post, for<br />

example, included, “A Family Computer Album” and declared, “When in<br />

need of answers or entertainment, families in this Midwest community<br />

are fi nding <strong>the</strong>ir computer a friend indeed” (Olsen, 1982, p. 71). Photo<br />

captions throughout Olsen’s essay emphasized <strong>the</strong> computer as friend<br />

of <strong>the</strong> family, both in terms of friendly interactions with individuals,<br />

as well as being a friend to <strong>the</strong> notion or concept of <strong>the</strong> “family” as a<br />

social institution.

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