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the Female Body GOVERNING

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248<br />

karen throsby<br />

male factor infertility being relocated within <strong>the</strong> “couple.” Angela, for<br />

example, described her and her husband as “a pair of old duffers,”<br />

even though <strong>the</strong> fertility problem appeared to lie with her husband’s<br />

low sperm count. Ann Woollett (1992) also notes that in <strong>the</strong> treatment<br />

context, men experiencing fertility problems are repeatedly assured by<br />

doctors and <strong>the</strong>ir partners that <strong>the</strong>ir infertility does not refl ect on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />

masculinity, although no such assurances are offered to women who are<br />

infertile in relation to <strong>the</strong>ir feminine identity (p. 169).<br />

Conclusion<br />

In this brief discussion, I have demonstrated some of <strong>the</strong> ways in<br />

which <strong>the</strong> unsuccessful engagement with IVF produces new forms of<br />

governance of <strong>the</strong> female body. The very availability of IVF produces<br />

an imperative to engage with it because it offers <strong>the</strong> possibility of a<br />

novel, technologically mediated form of socially authorized childlessness<br />

that is (morally) distinct from that which is chosen. However, this drive<br />

toward treatment refl ects a more pervasive assumption that women,<br />

in particular, should “do everything possible” to have a child. This, in<br />

turn, produces an imperative to engage in an array of bodily disciplinary<br />

practices oriented not only toward maximizing <strong>the</strong> chances of a positive<br />

outcome, but also toward demonstrating to o<strong>the</strong>rs that “everything<br />

possible” (although not too much) has been tried. These practices are<br />

profoundly gendered, with <strong>the</strong> responsibility falling primarily to <strong>the</strong><br />

female partners.<br />

Importantly, however, this analysis is not intended to constitute a case<br />

against IVF; on <strong>the</strong> contrary, it demonstrates clearly <strong>the</strong> extent to which<br />

IVF is replete with both risks and possibilities for those engaging with it,<br />

and that those undergoing treatment are active (if always constrained)<br />

agents—or users (Saetnan, Oudshoorn, & Kirejczyk, 2000)—in <strong>the</strong><br />

production of IVF and its meanings. Instead, <strong>the</strong> critical argument here<br />

is that for all its “newness,” IVF is both produced by, and productive of,<br />

perniciously familiar discourses about <strong>the</strong> female body as “naturally”<br />

reproductive, and unpredictable and liable to failure. This construction<br />

results not only in <strong>the</strong> female body being rendered as an object<br />

of medical surveillance and intervention in ways that are easily made<br />

invisible through <strong>the</strong> naturalization of those interventions, but it also<br />

means that <strong>the</strong> female body can be held responsible for <strong>the</strong> failure of<br />

those interventions. This burden of responsibility becomes lost in <strong>the</strong><br />

construction of “<strong>the</strong> couple” as <strong>the</strong> IVF patient—a construction that is<br />

sustained by assumptions of reproductive labor as a “natural” part of

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