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karen throsby<br />
male factor infertility being relocated within <strong>the</strong> “couple.” Angela, for<br />
example, described her and her husband as “a pair of old duffers,”<br />
even though <strong>the</strong> fertility problem appeared to lie with her husband’s<br />
low sperm count. Ann Woollett (1992) also notes that in <strong>the</strong> treatment<br />
context, men experiencing fertility problems are repeatedly assured by<br />
doctors and <strong>the</strong>ir partners that <strong>the</strong>ir infertility does not refl ect on <strong>the</strong>ir<br />
masculinity, although no such assurances are offered to women who are<br />
infertile in relation to <strong>the</strong>ir feminine identity (p. 169).<br />
Conclusion<br />
In this brief discussion, I have demonstrated some of <strong>the</strong> ways in<br />
which <strong>the</strong> unsuccessful engagement with IVF produces new forms of<br />
governance of <strong>the</strong> female body. The very availability of IVF produces<br />
an imperative to engage with it because it offers <strong>the</strong> possibility of a<br />
novel, technologically mediated form of socially authorized childlessness<br />
that is (morally) distinct from that which is chosen. However, this drive<br />
toward treatment refl ects a more pervasive assumption that women,<br />
in particular, should “do everything possible” to have a child. This, in<br />
turn, produces an imperative to engage in an array of bodily disciplinary<br />
practices oriented not only toward maximizing <strong>the</strong> chances of a positive<br />
outcome, but also toward demonstrating to o<strong>the</strong>rs that “everything<br />
possible” (although not too much) has been tried. These practices are<br />
profoundly gendered, with <strong>the</strong> responsibility falling primarily to <strong>the</strong><br />
female partners.<br />
Importantly, however, this analysis is not intended to constitute a case<br />
against IVF; on <strong>the</strong> contrary, it demonstrates clearly <strong>the</strong> extent to which<br />
IVF is replete with both risks and possibilities for those engaging with it,<br />
and that those undergoing treatment are active (if always constrained)<br />
agents—or users (Saetnan, Oudshoorn, & Kirejczyk, 2000)—in <strong>the</strong><br />
production of IVF and its meanings. Instead, <strong>the</strong> critical argument here<br />
is that for all its “newness,” IVF is both produced by, and productive of,<br />
perniciously familiar discourses about <strong>the</strong> female body as “naturally”<br />
reproductive, and unpredictable and liable to failure. This construction<br />
results not only in <strong>the</strong> female body being rendered as an object<br />
of medical surveillance and intervention in ways that are easily made<br />
invisible through <strong>the</strong> naturalization of those interventions, but it also<br />
means that <strong>the</strong> female body can be held responsible for <strong>the</strong> failure of<br />
those interventions. This burden of responsibility becomes lost in <strong>the</strong><br />
construction of “<strong>the</strong> couple” as <strong>the</strong> IVF patient—a construction that is<br />
sustained by assumptions of reproductive labor as a “natural” part of