the Female Body GOVERNING

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ronald walter greene & david breshears
Due to a lack of systematic changes in the world economy, and the
dis-articulation of the state from social services, biopolitical media
industries are more likely than ever to rely heavily on participatory
schemes to better train and incorporate women into the management
and governance of themselves and others. Thus, if the creation of a
radically feminist biopolitical media industry is possible, such an entity
will need to encourage the participation of women and men into new
political alliances beyond the globalization of medical discourses and
the norms of healthy behaviors.
Notes
1. First aired in 1993, except in the control area of Dodoma. The program
received the UNESCO award for Outstanding Rural Communications
Program (March 2000) and the Population Institute’s prestigious XXI Global
Media Award for Excellence in Population Reporting in the category of Best
Radio Program“ (October 2000). Retrieved May 8, 2002, from http://www.
population.org/Pciprog/prog_tanzania.htm. According to Myers (2002),
Twende na Wakati was the most popular program on Radio Tanzania from
1993 to 1995, and the show regularly reached 5 million people (p. 5).
2 . Due to the limitations of space and the interests of clarity, we cannot include
an extensive discussion of the role NGOs played in the governance of the
“population crisis.” In part, the PCI’s existence represents the doling out of
governmental responsibilities to NGOs. Whereas many critics of statist politics
hail the emergence of NGOs as a corrective to centralized decision-making,
many reasons exist to view this development with suspicion. NGOs have been
characterized as tools for exploitation and a driving force of globalization and
the fl ow of international capital (Puplampu & Tettey, 2000; Stewart, 1997).
They have been criticized as ineffective actors when they oppose the interests
of ruling elites, functioning merely as “window dressing” for undemocratic
governments (Stewart, 1997, p. 31). Owing to their reliance on a business model
that privileges the demands of cost-effi ciency over other concerns, NGOs are
typically organized hierarchically and driven by profi t motives (Sogge, 1996).
Even southern NGOs suffer from this organizational defect (Mohan & Stokke,
2000; Schuurman, 1993). The hierarchical structure of these organizations
is an obstacle to the stated goals of increasing participation by individuals,
groups, and communities formerly excluded from the development process
(Mohan & Stokke, 2000, p. 254). Additionally, some have suggested that
the distinction between “governmental” and “nongovernmental” actors
is overstated because even NGOs are incorporated into state structures
(Tvedt, 1998). As an example of the limits of this organizational structure,
accountability to the state limits the effectiveness of NGO interventions on
behalf of women (Kabeer, 1994). While some critics have argued that NGOs
fail to incorporate previously marginalized voices (Powell & Seddon, 1997,
p. 8), others contend that NGOs actually demobilize indigenous movements
pushing for radical change (Arellano-Lopez & Petras, 1994; Tandon, 1996).
All of these criticisms suggest that PCI’s emergence as a governing institution
should be considered more closely.
3. As part of this collaborative process, PCI cosponsors with the University of
Southern California (School of Cinema-Television, Annenberg School for
Communication, and Population Research Lab) a 3-month Media Leadership