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the Female Body GOVERNING

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88<br />

samantha king<br />

The absence of analyses of <strong>the</strong> role of philanthropy in literature on<br />

<strong>the</strong> breast cancer movement can be explained in part by an understandable<br />

commitment on <strong>the</strong> part of breast cancer scholars to focus on <strong>the</strong><br />

resistive strategies of grassroots activism and to chart substantive changes<br />

in <strong>the</strong> funding and regulation of breast cancer research, screening,<br />

and treatment. So while most researchers have included fund-raising<br />

organizations such as <strong>the</strong> Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation<br />

in <strong>the</strong>ir accounts of breast cancer activism and have often been critical<br />

of <strong>the</strong> mainstream and corporate-friendly politics of such organizations<br />

(Batt, 1994; Brenner, 2000), <strong>the</strong>y have not tended to explore how <strong>the</strong><br />

discourses and practices of individual and corporate philanthropy<br />

per se have functioned in terms of <strong>the</strong> movement’s public profi le and<br />

persuasive power.<br />

A complete picture would thus acknowledge that breast cancer<br />

foundations, nonprofi t organizations, and fund-raising events have<br />

proliferated in <strong>the</strong> last two decades; that breast cancer research is a—if<br />

not <strong>the</strong>—favorite charitable cause for corporations seeking to attract<br />

female consumers through cause-related marketing campaigns; and<br />

that philanthropic approaches to <strong>the</strong> disease have even become part<br />

of federal and state health policy (through <strong>the</strong> introduction of <strong>the</strong><br />

breast cancer fund-raising stamp and breast cancer research tax check<br />

offs, for example). It would also recognize that organizations such as<br />

<strong>the</strong> Susan G. Komen Breast Cancer Foundation (<strong>the</strong> world’s largest<br />

nonprofi t funder of breast cancer research) have played a central role in<br />

breast cancer policy making; raised millions of dollars for research; and<br />

offered what are among <strong>the</strong> most visible and accessible modes of breast<br />

cancer activism—in <strong>the</strong> case of <strong>the</strong> Komen Foundation, <strong>the</strong> Race for<br />

<strong>the</strong> Cure and numerous cause-related marketing campaigns 4 —currently<br />

in circulation. Indeed, although <strong>the</strong> conceptualization of breast cancer<br />

as a political issue has not dropped out of public circulation in <strong>the</strong><br />

same way that residual discourses of stigmatization have not been<br />

entirely displaced, in popular discourse <strong>the</strong> fi ght against <strong>the</strong> disease is<br />

now constituted predominantly as a fi ght that does—and should—take<br />

place on <strong>the</strong> terrain of science and medicine funded through corporate<br />

philanthropy. An analysis of breast cancer-directed corporate<br />

philanthropy—and of <strong>the</strong> Race for <strong>the</strong> Cure and breast cancer–related<br />

marketing in particular—is thus crucial to a fuller understanding of <strong>the</strong><br />

cultural appeal of breast cancer as an issue for public concern in <strong>the</strong><br />

present moment and to identifying those “realities of life” or threats to<br />

<strong>the</strong> status quo that are obscured by <strong>the</strong> widespread determination to<br />

look only on <strong>the</strong> bright side of <strong>the</strong> disease (Lorde, 1980, p. 75).

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