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Regulation through Postfeminist Pharmacy 117<br />
(e.g., <strong>the</strong> urban poor, <strong>the</strong> American woman, and <strong>the</strong> racialized O<strong>the</strong>r<br />
in less-developed countries).<br />
Insofar as Malthusian logics concern a looming or imminent problem<br />
that threatens <strong>the</strong> lives of a population, Greene (1999) identifi es <strong>the</strong><br />
central logic of <strong>the</strong> population apparatus as that of promoting and<br />
sustaining life (pp. 17–20). Foucault (1990) outlined this “modern”<br />
promotional and administrative character of contemporary governance<br />
at <strong>the</strong> end of <strong>the</strong> fi rst volume of The History of Sexuality. There, Foucault<br />
detailed <strong>the</strong> transformation of political power from that of wielding<br />
or preventing death to that of promoting and “administering life,” a<br />
historical unfolding of <strong>the</strong> productive nature of power as such (p. 138).<br />
In general, says Foucault, “power over life” came in two forms. The fi rst<br />
form is that of discipline from without, “an anatomo-politics of <strong>the</strong><br />
human body” or a microphysics of power that specifi cally addresses <strong>the</strong><br />
body. In Discipline and Punish, for example, Foucault (1995) described<br />
discipline and <strong>the</strong> assemblage of techniques it organizes in terms of a<br />
gradual recession of conspicuous modes of domination (such as torture,<br />
<strong>the</strong> prison system, etc.) and <strong>the</strong> emergence of various machineries of<br />
power that subjected a “docile” body to regimented modes of conduct<br />
(e.g., “exercise,” and later, self-surveillance; pp. 160–162; 195–228). In<br />
this earlier work discipline is not wielded by institutions, but is both<br />
a “type of power” and a “modality for its exercise” that focuses on <strong>the</strong><br />
individual (p. 217).<br />
The second kind of power over life concerns kinds or “species” of<br />
bodies and <strong>the</strong> characteristically sociological categories of demography<br />
and surveillance in relation to <strong>the</strong>ir being living things: “propagation,<br />
births and mortality, <strong>the</strong> level of health, life expectancy and longevity”<br />
are <strong>the</strong> (characteristically sexual) processes that this second kind of<br />
power over life seeks to manage (Foucault, 1990, p. 139). The practices<br />
that aim to manage <strong>the</strong> behavior and thoughts (collectively, <strong>the</strong><br />
“conduct”) of a given individual as a member of a particular population<br />
is termed biopower. Combined with <strong>the</strong> subjection-effect of so many<br />
disciplinary techniques, for Foucault <strong>the</strong> exercise of biopower marks<br />
<strong>the</strong> “threshold of modernity” in <strong>the</strong> sense that it heralds a moment<br />
when “<strong>the</strong> life of [a] species is wagered on its own political strategies”<br />
(p. 143). 2<br />
Biopower can be said to work through or within a governing apparatus<br />
in a peculiar way: Because of its attention to populations over that of <strong>the</strong><br />
individual citizen, governing apparatuses function in terms of norms,<br />
not laws. Hence one consequence of <strong>the</strong> development of biopower,<br />
says Foucault (1990), was a decline in juridical forms of power and a<br />
transformation of <strong>the</strong> juridical subject into <strong>the</strong> self-disciplining subject