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Archaeology and Heinrich Schliemann 2012

Archaeology and Heinrich Schliemann 2012

Archaeology and Heinrich Schliemann 2012

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The altar over shaft grave IV at Mycenae in a wider perspective 97with built tombs of the Mycenaean period. It is noteasy to differentiate between material remains of heroworship <strong>and</strong> of the cult of the dead, because all thesepractices are closely connected with each other <strong>and</strong> infact hero cult was itself a cult of the unpersonifieddead. 30 In 1982, G. Korres appears to have this solutionin mind when he refers to continuity in tombtypes <strong>and</strong> of hero veneration through the Dark Age. 31We are confronted by a great mass of mostly oldarchaeological data, <strong>and</strong> archaeologists are now scepticalwhether most of the sacrificial remains <strong>and</strong> constructionsdiscovered in, over or near, graves canbe probably interpreted as funerary sacrifices. Thestory of the question starts with the discovery by H.<strong>Schliemann</strong> of shaft grave IV at Mycenae <strong>and</strong> of thecircular altar above it: “At the depth of 20 ft. belowthe format surface of the mount I struck an almost circularmass of Cyclopean masonry, with a large roundopening in the form of a well; it was 4 ft. high <strong>and</strong>measured 7 ft. from north to south, <strong>and</strong> 5 1 /4 ft. fromeast to west... ...I at once recognised in this curiousmonument a primitive altar for funeral rites...”. 32 Hisbrilliant observation has been further analysed bygenerations of scholars, <strong>and</strong> there is little doubt that<strong>Schliemann</strong> was right. 33 His interpretation was verymuch reinforced by the discovery of Keramopoullosin 1913: “the rock within the circle disclosed almost atits center a cavity with two openings to graves I <strong>and</strong>IV. Within it were found, with earth, ashes <strong>and</strong> tracesof a hearth. The ashes seem to be stratified in at leastthree layers proving the repeated use of the area.” 34The cavity with its ashy layers <strong>and</strong> hearth (i.e. burntlayer) seems to have been a very characteristic sacrificialpit.The purpose of the following lines is to offer newevidence in support of the first--sight interpretationof <strong>Schliemann</strong>. My approach is different from therather ambiguous interpretations given by Mylonas, 35since it falls between the average burial rites whichare performed only once <strong>and</strong> on the occasion of aman’s death, <strong>and</strong> the cult of the personified hero(with its mythologized legendary history). This intermediaryform is the cult of the dead which means thebringing of gifts, the offering of sacrifices to the dead<strong>and</strong> his tomb on the day of the burial, or on certaindays or on certain occasions after the burial. Suchpractices may originally have been in some relationshipwith ancestor worship <strong>and</strong> eventually wouldhave developed into the hero cult. These data showsacrificial processes <strong>and</strong> deposition of sacrifices inconnection with burials. The basic feature of thesesacrifices, ritual pits <strong>and</strong> places is that they wereestablished in the course of the burial ceremony contemporarywith the interment, however, as constructionsthey are apparently unassociated with the burialfeatures (grave pits, shafts, cists, etc.), <strong>and</strong> theirdepositions were different from grave goods. In thisterminology the word cult implies repeated offerings,while funerary sacrifices (with very similar depositionof offerings) occurred only once. This classificationslightly differs only in small details that of M.P.Nilsson in that funerary sacrifices -contemporarywith the interment process - falls before his first stageof ritual at the graves, the funeral rites which mayspread over a longer period, from the moment of thedeath <strong>and</strong> the day of the funeral to some fixed dayafterwards. 36 These funeral sacrifices have much incommon with fertility rituals, <strong>and</strong> their occurrencescan be dated partly before the Mycenaean period.Here follows a brief, <strong>and</strong> incomplete, list of pre-Mycenaean<strong>and</strong> Mycenaean examples which can plausiblybe associated with sacrificial pits <strong>and</strong> other sacrificialremains linked to funerary offerings with a greatprobability.Early Helladic period• Hagios Kosmas (Attica): a small sacrificial pit bythe NW corner of the grave 11. 37• Leukas (Ionian Isl<strong>and</strong>s): cremation areas inmost of the grave circles of the royal tombs inSteno. 3830. Dietrich 1965, 33 <strong>and</strong> 37.31. Korres 1981-82, 363-365.32. <strong>Schliemann</strong> 1878a, 212-213 & 386, pI. F; <strong>Schliemann</strong> 1878b,246, plan F; <strong>Schliemann</strong> 1879, 292-293, plan F.33. Karo 1930, 19, 127-128, note 2, <strong>and</strong> fig. 1 on p.11; Wace 1949,61-62; Mylonas 1957; Matz 1958, 327; Andronikos 1968, 127;Pelon 1976; 146-147, 150; Gates 1985, 265: “the altar lay some2/3 m above the top of Grave IV”; Stro/m 1983, 141-146.34. Karo 1914, 125; Κeramopoullos 1918, 52-57; Wace 1921-23,121-122; Mylonas (ed.) 1951, 5.35. Mylonas 1966, 94; Mylonas (ed.) 1951, 96; Dietrich 1965, 32,note 2.36. Nilsson 1950, 585-587; Stro/m 1985, 141-142.37. Mylonas (ed.) 1951, 67.38. Dörpfeld 1927, 210-250; Branigan 1975, 38-49; Pelon 1976,88-96.

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