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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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82 RENAISSANCE PHILOSOPHY OUTSIDE ITALY<br />

10 Henry More is discussed in vol. 5, Chapter 1, as is another Neoplatonist, Ann<br />

Conway. For a discussion <strong>of</strong> the connection between these two philosophers,<br />

F.M.van Helmont and Leibniz, see Brown [2.170].<br />

11 Van Helmont, [2.62], 13.<br />

12 On the influence <strong>of</strong> Champier, see Copenhaver [2.115]. On the ‘ancient theology’<br />

in sixteenth-century France, see Walker [2.108], ch. 3.<br />

13 For the encouragement <strong>of</strong> Aristotle’s philosophy, see note 29 below. The fate <strong>of</strong><br />

Bruno discussed at the end <strong>of</strong> the previous chapter is symptomatic <strong>of</strong> the reaction<br />

against Neoplatonism in Catholic orthodoxy. For an account <strong>of</strong> the reaction against<br />

the occult philosophy, see also Yates [2.109].<br />

14 Thus Berkeley, in his late work Siris (1744), sought to argue that ‘the<br />

Pythagoreans and Platonists had a notion <strong>of</strong> the true System <strong>of</strong> the World’ (sec.<br />

266) and explicitly acknowledged key Neoplatonic figures such as Plotinus,<br />

Proclus and Iamblichus.<br />

15 Some <strong>of</strong> those discussed as sceptics on pp. 85–7, such as Montaigne, may also be<br />

classed as Christian humanists. Erasmus, Vives and perhaps Agrippa can also be<br />

discussed under both heads.<br />

16 See pp. 83–4. See also Allen [2.75] and Jungkuntz [2.93].<br />

17 There is a version <strong>of</strong> this debate edited and translated by E.W.Winter as Erasmus-<br />

Luther: Discourse on Free Will, New York, 1961.<br />

18 See Miles [2.137].<br />

19 See Limbrick [2.162], 3<strong>of</strong>f.<br />

20 See Mariana [2.54]. See also Talmadge [2.148],<br />

21 Agrippa [2.46], from the preface ‘To the Reader’.<br />

22 Agrippa also (see pp. 77 and 85–6) had positive commitments to the occult<br />

philosophy, in particular to natural magic. Whether his overall position is a<br />

consistent one has puzzled those who have studied his work. See Bowen [2. 127],<br />

Nauert [2.128] and Zambelli [2.129],<br />

23 Quoted from Paracelsus [2.42], 55.<br />

24 See Redgrove and Redgrove [2.166].<br />

25 See Debus [2.111],<br />

26 The Paracelsians invoked an ‘Archeus’ or ‘world soul’ as a kind <strong>of</strong> universal cause<br />

and the Neoplatonists generally sought to defend a vitalistic view <strong>of</strong> the world in<br />

opposition to the mechanical philosophy. Leibniz frequently criticized them for<br />

doing this (e.g. L.E.Loemker (ed.) Gottfried Wilhelm Leibniz: Philosophical<br />

Papers and Letters (Dordrecht, Reidel, 2nd edn, 1969), p. 409; P.Remnant and<br />

J.Bennett (eds) G.W.Leibniz: New Essays on Human Understanding (Cambridge,<br />

Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 72). That is partly why he distinguished the<br />

Renaissance Neoplatonists from and contrasted them unfavourably with Plato.<br />

Thus he criticized Ficino for launching into extravagant thoughts and abandoning<br />

what was more simple and solid. ‘Ficino speaks everywhere <strong>of</strong> ideas, soul <strong>of</strong> the<br />

world, mystical numbers, and similar things, instead <strong>of</strong> pursuing the exact<br />

definitions Plato tries to give <strong>of</strong> notions’ (C.I. Gerhardt (ed.) Die Philosophischen<br />

Schriften von G.W.Leibniz (Berlin, 1875–90), vol. i, p. 380).<br />

27 Lefèvre d’Étaples was not exclusively interested in Aristotle. He was also<br />

influenced by Neoplatonism and edited Neoplatonic works.<br />

28 Leibniz cast himself as such a reformer <strong>of</strong> philosophy, as a reviver <strong>of</strong> the true<br />

Aristotle against the distortions <strong>of</strong> the scholastics in a letter to his former teacher,

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