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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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RENAISSANCE AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY RATIONALISM 37<br />

win the admiration <strong>of</strong> Erasmus—were deployed in translations <strong>of</strong> the Parva<br />

naturalia, Mechanics and other scientific works. In his prefaces all the standard<br />

humanist complaints about contemporary scholastics were repeated: their<br />

inability to understand Aristotle, their barbaric language and their futile search<br />

for answers to pointless questions. And in his learned scholia ample space was<br />

given to the Greek commentators, whose method <strong>of</strong> exposition he tried to<br />

imitate. 118<br />

For humanists like Leonico Tomeo the Greek commentators represented a<br />

purer and more authentic exegesis <strong>of</strong> Aristotle than could be found in the scholastic<br />

tradition. By the middle <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth century virtually all the ancient<br />

commentaries on Aristotle were in print, both in the original and in Latin<br />

translation. Access to these works affected the way that Aristotle was read in a<br />

number <strong>of</strong> ways. Alexander <strong>of</strong> Aphrodisias’s doubts about the second book <strong>of</strong><br />

the Metaphysics set <strong>of</strong>f a long-lived debate (continued in the twentieth century<br />

by Werner Jaeger) about its authenticity and correct placement within the<br />

corpus. While Alexander’s views on the soul decisively influenced Pomponazzi,<br />

many in the Averroist camp preferred Simplicius’s exposition <strong>of</strong> De anima,<br />

which they believed could be used in support <strong>of</strong> the unity <strong>of</strong> the intellect.<br />

Simplicius, along with Themistius, also provided evidence for the essential<br />

harmony <strong>of</strong> Aristotle and Plato. And Philoponus, by arguing for the existence <strong>of</strong><br />

a void in nature, gave ammunition to those—Galileo among them—who were<br />

challenging the fundamental principles <strong>of</strong> Aristotelian physics. 119<br />

The philhellenic bent <strong>of</strong> humanist Aristotelianism provoked a backlash among<br />

scholastic philosophers, who feared that Arabic and medieval expositors were<br />

becoming unfashionable as the Greek commentators gained in popularity. In<br />

order to remain competitive, they produced up-to-date editions <strong>of</strong> approved<br />

authors such as Thomas Aquinas, replacing the accompanying medieval<br />

translations <strong>of</strong> Aristotle with modern ones, making editorial improvements to the<br />

text and providing indexes, cross-references and other scholarly tools. 120 The<br />

most elaborate <strong>of</strong> such enterprises was the eleven-volume Giuntine edition <strong>of</strong><br />

Aristotle and Averroes (1550–2). Its editors were happy to borrow what they could<br />

from the humanists. They adopted the Aristotle translations <strong>of</strong> Bruni, Bessarion,<br />

George <strong>of</strong> Trebizond and Leonico Tomeo; and they applied philological<br />

techniques to Averroes, collating different texts, revising them to enhance<br />

readability and including versions recently translated from Hebrew<br />

intermediaries. But this edition was designed to strike at the heart <strong>of</strong> the<br />

humanist assumption that the Greeks had a monopoly on philosophical<br />

achievement. ‘Our age’, wrote the publisher Tommaso Giunta, ‘worships only<br />

the Greeks’, while the writings <strong>of</strong> the Arabs are treated as ‘nothing other than<br />

dregs and useless dirt’. Giunta and his editorial team set out to counter this<br />

prejudice by presenting Averroes as the only Aristotelian commentator worthy <strong>of</strong><br />

the name and as a substantial philosopher in his own right, one who had<br />

developed and refined the material he found in Aristotle. 121

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