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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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312 RENAISSANCE AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY RATIONALISM<br />

Politicus brings the intervention to its final conclusion. Here he shows what the<br />

implications are <strong>of</strong> the Dutch self-understanding <strong>of</strong> their republic along Spinozan<br />

lines. These implications have been presented on pp. 333–5. They do not differ<br />

much from run <strong>of</strong> the mill arguments about the relationship <strong>of</strong> church and state,<br />

except for one point: tolerance is defended as a virtue <strong>of</strong> a republic, especially as<br />

far as philosophy is concerned. This intervention was barely successful among<br />

those who were not convinced by the argument in the first place. Even<br />

Remonstrant theologians, who had always defended the same position, were<br />

made rather uncomfortable about this ‘support’ from a philosopher who<br />

presented God as Nature, and in his determinism denied human freedom, and<br />

hence sin and morality. Velthuysen, in his later writings, criticized Spinoza<br />

heavily. The Amsterdam Remonstrant and later friend <strong>of</strong> Locke, Philip van<br />

Limborch, scorned Spinoza for his fatalism. Spinoza’s influence was in other<br />

quarters. Among autodidacts, like himself, among idiosyncratic intellectuals, like<br />

the author <strong>of</strong> the Spinozistic novel The Life and Times <strong>of</strong> Philopater, his appeal<br />

was remarkable. But Spinoza must have been disappointed that the Tractatus<br />

Theologico-Politicus produced so few <strong>of</strong> the effects he had hoped for. In the<br />

Tractatus Politicus he came forward with a different style, and with different<br />

targets. In that book, he no longer aims at the imagination, but wants to present a<br />

political philosophy that is deduced from the Ethics, and formulated as a<br />

scientific theory.<br />

The theory <strong>of</strong> the Tractatus Politicus<br />

I have resolved to demonstrate by a certain and undoubted course <strong>of</strong><br />

argument, or to deduce from the very condition <strong>of</strong> human nature, not<br />

what is new and unheard <strong>of</strong>, but only such things as agree best with<br />

practice. And that I might investigate the subject-matter <strong>of</strong> this<br />

science with the same freedom <strong>of</strong> spirit as we generally use in<br />

mathematics, I have laboured carefully, not to mock, lament, or<br />

execrate, but to understand human actions; and to this end I have<br />

looked upon passions such as love, hatred, anger, envy, ambition,<br />

pity, and the other perturbations <strong>of</strong> the mind, not in the light <strong>of</strong> vices<br />

<strong>of</strong> human nature, but as properties, just as pertinent to it, as are heat,<br />

cold, storm, thunder, and the like to the nature <strong>of</strong> the atmosphere,<br />

which phenomena, though inconvenient, are yet necessary, and have<br />

fixed causes, by means <strong>of</strong> which we endeavour to understand their<br />

nature, and the mind has just as much pleasure in viewing them aright,<br />

as in knowing such things as flatter the senses.<br />

(TP I, 4)<br />

This scientific, naturalist approach is put forward against the utopianism <strong>of</strong> the<br />

philosophers. We can learn more from practical politicians for whom experience

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