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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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RENAISSANCE AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY RATIONALISM 121<br />

a continuous plenum without empty spaces, although for most scientific purposes<br />

one could focus on the three different sorts <strong>of</strong> particles that were separated out, in<br />

a manner similar to relatively self-subsistent eddies, by the vortical motion.<br />

These were in a way a replacement for the Aristotelian elements. The first<br />

comprised extremely subtle and mobile matter, the second small spherical<br />

globules, and the third larger particles which were less apt for motion.<br />

And from these three we show that all the bodies <strong>of</strong> this visible world are<br />

composed, the Sun and the fixed stars from the first, the heavens from the<br />

second, and the Earth together with the planets’ and the comets from the<br />

third. 45<br />

In this way one is relieved from the almost impossible task <strong>of</strong> thinking all the time<br />

starkly in terms <strong>of</strong> the motions <strong>of</strong> fundamentally undifferentiated continuous<br />

matter.<br />

A perhaps more important difference from ancient atomism was that the<br />

motions <strong>of</strong> matter were by no means random, and Descartes’s system was also<br />

more effectively rule-governed than those <strong>of</strong> Empedocles, with his guiding<br />

principles <strong>of</strong> Love and Strife, and <strong>of</strong> Anaxagoras with that <strong>of</strong> Mind. Descartes<br />

believed that any system <strong>of</strong> matter created by God would obey certain laws <strong>of</strong><br />

motion that followed from God’s unchangeableness. The first is that every body<br />

would remain always in the same state unless this was changed by the action <strong>of</strong><br />

external forces, and Descartes was adamant that there be included in this<br />

(contrary to the Aristotelian tradition) a body’s state <strong>of</strong> motion. The second 46 is<br />

that the motion <strong>of</strong> any part <strong>of</strong> matter always tends to be in a straight line, and this<br />

when added to the first gives a fair approximation to Newton’s first law <strong>of</strong><br />

motion, the principle <strong>of</strong> rectilinear inertia, which may rightly be regarded as the<br />

foundation stone <strong>of</strong> classical mechanics. The third law is rather more<br />

complicated: it concerns the collisions <strong>of</strong> bodies, and asserts inter alia that in<br />

these the amount <strong>of</strong> motion is conserved. From it Descartes deduces some<br />

hideously incorrect laws <strong>of</strong> impact, which older fashioned histories <strong>of</strong> mechanics<br />

used <strong>of</strong>ten to crow over, but this was to neglect the fact that, as regards historical<br />

influence, the form <strong>of</strong> Descartes’s discussion was far more important than its<br />

exact content.<br />

Descartes’s first two laws in particular led to some novel questions about<br />

forces. For instance, the acceleration <strong>of</strong> falling bodies implied the existence <strong>of</strong> a<br />

force to bring about this change from its preferred state <strong>of</strong> uniform rectilinear<br />

motion, and similarly did the deviation <strong>of</strong> the planetary orbits from this state.<br />

Armed with hindsight, the reader will recall how important these questions were<br />

for Newton on his journey towards the principle <strong>of</strong> universal gravitation, but this<br />

serves to show up important differences between the two men. Whereas Newton<br />

asked typically how big the forces were (at least as a preliminary to deeper<br />

explanation), Descartes sought for their causes, and in both cases specified these

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