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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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236 RENAISSANCE AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY RATIONALISM<br />

pleasant life gives them a reason to refrain from making laws that overburden<br />

their subjects, while the predictable excess <strong>of</strong> pain over pleasure in rebellion or<br />

civil disobedience provides a reason for law-abidingness on the part <strong>of</strong> subjects.<br />

In Gassendi’s theory <strong>of</strong> politics the pleasure principle promotes the stability <strong>of</strong><br />

states.<br />

HOBBS<br />

How far does Gassendi’s Epicurean system agree with Hobbes’s philosophy?<br />

Their politics appear to provide at least one point <strong>of</strong> agreement, for the respective<br />

treatments <strong>of</strong> the state <strong>of</strong> nature and the right <strong>of</strong> nature are similar. They diverge<br />

strikingly, however, in their theories <strong>of</strong> the social contract, the laws <strong>of</strong> nature,<br />

and the relations <strong>of</strong> subjects to rulers. Not three pacts but one take people from<br />

the Hobbesian state <strong>of</strong> nature into society. Hobbes’s laws <strong>of</strong> nature provide a<br />

more detailed analysis than Gassendi’s <strong>of</strong> what it is to come into society, and<br />

they rest on an account that implies that people’s personal judgements about the<br />

relative pleasantness <strong>of</strong> life within the state and out <strong>of</strong> it are unreliable.<br />

Accordingly, in the act by which a Hobbesian subject simultaneously contracts<br />

for protection and makes himself subject to a sovereign, he also gives up the right<br />

to let his own judgements about pleasure and pain rule his impression <strong>of</strong> his wellbeing.<br />

He delegates the judgements to someone—a sovereign—who has a wider<br />

and more detached view than he does.<br />

The disagreements between Hobbes and Gassendi do not stop there. It is<br />

crucial to Hobbes’s morals and politics that death be an evil and that it be rationally<br />

compulsory to avoid premature death (De cive, ch. 1, vii, E II, 8), while<br />

Gassendi’s account tends to minimize the disvalue <strong>of</strong> death and the importance<br />

<strong>of</strong> staving it <strong>of</strong>f. Another disagreement, this time on the borderline between<br />

ethics and politics, is over whether man is by nature sociable. Gassendi,<br />

inclining uncharacteristically toward Aristotle, thinks that man is naturally<br />

sociable; Hobbes, in a political treatise that Gassendi admired, argues vigorously<br />

to the contrary. The divergences extend to other sectors <strong>of</strong> philosophy. In logic<br />

Gassendi puts forward precepts that reflect his sensitivity to scepticism; Hobbes<br />

does not. In metaphysics and physics Gassendi makes much <strong>of</strong> God’s activity; in<br />

comparable parts <strong>of</strong> Hobbes’s philosophy, on the other hand, a discussion <strong>of</strong><br />

God’s nature and attributes is either omitted or is highly curtailed. In physics<br />

proper Hobbes doubts the existence <strong>of</strong> the vacuum (De corp., ch. 26, vi–xi, E I<br />

426–44) and probably also, though not so explicitly, the divisibility <strong>of</strong> anything<br />

material (De corp., ch. 7, xiii). He is thus at odds twice over with Gassendi’s<br />

belief in the existence <strong>of</strong> atoms in the void.<br />

Where the theories <strong>of</strong> Hobbes and Gassendi do resemble one another is in the<br />

reductive and materialistic bent <strong>of</strong> their psychologies. After examining Hobbes’s<br />

doctrine in this connection I shall consider the relation <strong>of</strong> his materialism to the<br />

rest <strong>of</strong> his philosophy. Then I shall ask whether there is a way <strong>of</strong> comparing

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