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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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38 THE PHILOSOPHY OF THE ITALIAN RENAISSANCE<br />

Progressive Aristotelians in the second half <strong>of</strong> the sixteenth century took<br />

advantage <strong>of</strong> both the Arabic and Greek traditions. Jacopo Zabarella (1533–89),<br />

a pr<strong>of</strong>essor <strong>of</strong> logic and natural philosophy at Padua, developed an extremely<br />

influential theory <strong>of</strong> method by drawing in equal measure on Averroes and<br />

Simplicius. Certain knowledge, he concluded, could be attained through a<br />

demonstrative regression, proceeding first from effect to cause (resolutio), and<br />

then working back from cause to effect (compositio). 122 Zabarella regarded<br />

induction, which dealt only with the effects known to the senses, as an inferior<br />

form <strong>of</strong> ‘resolutive’ or a posteriori demonstration, but he recognized that it was<br />

essential for disciplines like natural philosophy. 123 Zabarella was himself a great<br />

believer in observation, <strong>of</strong>ten calling on his experience <strong>of</strong> meteorological<br />

phenomena or his acquaintance with contemporary technological processes to<br />

corroborate Aristotelian theories. 124 The best Peripatetic science in this period<br />

showed a similar empirical basis: Andrea Cesalpino (1519–1603), who revised<br />

the Aristotelian taxonomy <strong>of</strong> plants, made extensive use <strong>of</strong> the botanical garden<br />

at Pisa and even took into account specimens recently brought back from the<br />

New World. 125<br />

Yet even the most advanced Aristotelians did not progress from empiricism to<br />

experimentalism. They remained content to observe nature passively in order to<br />

confirm established doctrines rather than trying to devise methods <strong>of</strong> active<br />

intervention or validation. They saw their task not as searching out new<br />

approaches to the study <strong>of</strong> nature but as explaining and at best extending the<br />

Aristotelian framework within which they operated. This also meant leaving aside<br />

matters on which Aristotle had not made explicit pronouncements, such as the<br />

immortality <strong>of</strong> the soul—a problem which Zabarella referred to the<br />

theologians. 126<br />

Territorial disputes between philosophy and theology were not, however, at an<br />

end. Zabarella’s successor Cesare Cremonini (1550–1631) was attacked by the<br />

Inquisition for discussing from a Peripatetic viewpoint the eternity <strong>of</strong> the world<br />

and the absence <strong>of</strong> divine providence in the sublunary realm. Reiterating the<br />

traditional Paduan commitment to a naturalistic exposition <strong>of</strong> Aristotle,<br />

Cremonini replied: ‘I have acted as an interpreter <strong>of</strong> Aristotle, following only his<br />

thought.’ 127 This statement was a strong reaffirmation <strong>of</strong> the autonomy <strong>of</strong><br />

philosophy. 128 But in the context <strong>of</strong> the early seventeenth century, it also<br />

signified that Aristotelian natural science was a spent force, reduced to sterile<br />

and pedantic exegesis <strong>of</strong> set texts. Cremonini, the most eminent (and highly<br />

paid) Aristotelian <strong>of</strong> his day, was a completely bookish philosopher, lacking the<br />

interest in direct observation displayed by the previous generation but sharing<br />

their unwillingness to question the doctrinal foundation <strong>of</strong> Aristotelian<br />

philosophy. He is best remembered—appropriately, if perhaps apocryphally—as<br />

the man who refused to look in Galileo’s telescope, preferring to learn about the<br />

heavens from the pages <strong>of</strong> Aristotle’s De caelo. 129

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