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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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RENAISSANCE AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY RATIONALISM 99<br />

more strictly scientific progress. This was due partly to superior artisans, such as<br />

Leonardo da Vinci, looking at the theoretical bases <strong>of</strong> their arts as a source for<br />

improvement, and partly to scholars publishing surveys <strong>of</strong> craft techniques, for<br />

example the De re metallica <strong>of</strong> Georg Bauer (Georgius Agricola) in which the<br />

author gave a systematic account <strong>of</strong> current mining and metallurgical practices.<br />

Many such techniques had remained unchanged since Antiquity, and were<br />

simply passed from master to apprentice by word <strong>of</strong> mouth. Bringing them out into<br />

the cold light <strong>of</strong> print could suggest modes <strong>of</strong> improvement, and later became<br />

formalized in the injunction to produce histories <strong>of</strong> trades—what can be, and<br />

sometimes were, called ‘technologies’. These and many other factors provoked a<br />

strong urge towards improvement, and a conviction that systematic intellectual<br />

activity was at least as important as trial and error or reliance upon tradition. And<br />

this applied not only to the more banausic areas <strong>of</strong> technics, but also to more<br />

rarefied and seemingly ‘impractical’ fields.<br />

But a desire for progress is one thing: achieving it is another. And here we<br />

meet more and more frequently with the term ‘method’ and its relations. The<br />

search for this had roots in several fields, mathematical, philosophical, medical,<br />

magical…. We consider briefly the first two. The mathematical revival <strong>of</strong> the<br />

sixteenth century is characterized particularly by the greater availability <strong>of</strong><br />

important ancient works, through both the production <strong>of</strong> new translations and the<br />

dissemination <strong>of</strong> these in print. This gave rise to two reflections. First, it became<br />

evident that many significant works were (probably irretrievably) lost, but<br />

second, sufficient evidence was <strong>of</strong>ten available about their contents for plausible<br />

attempts at reconstruction to be made. This did not directly imply method, but it<br />

did make for mathematical progress, for restoration was to be achieved not by<br />

philology alone but by trying to do mathematics in the Greek spirit. As an<br />

attempt at exact replication this failed, but it did produce new mathematics, and<br />

so we have a kind <strong>of</strong> surreptitious progress in which efforts at reviving the old<br />

produced developments that were radically new.<br />

Others were more open in their endeavours, and indeed accused the ancients<br />

<strong>of</strong> being clandestine. From Antiquity onwards it had been realized that some <strong>of</strong><br />

the most impressive results <strong>of</strong> Greek geometry resembled a beautiful building<br />

from which all trace <strong>of</strong> scaffolding and other accessories had been removed. Hence<br />

Plutarch on Archimedes:<br />

It is not possible to find in geometry more difficult and weighty questions<br />

treated in simpler and purer terms. Some attribute this to the natural<br />

endowments <strong>of</strong> the man, others think it was the result <strong>of</strong> exceeding labour<br />

that everything done by him appeared to have been done without labour<br />

and with ease. For although by his own efforts no one could discover the<br />

pro<strong>of</strong>, yet as soon as he learns it, he takes credit that he could have<br />

discovered it: so smooth and rapid is the path by which he leads to the<br />

conclusion. 11

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