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Routledge History of Philosophy Volume IV

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RENAISSANCE AND SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY RATIONALISM 69<br />

Van Helmont’s exposition <strong>of</strong> Cabbalism gives central place to a recognizably<br />

Neoplatonic paradox: how could the base material world have resulted from a<br />

God who is pure Spirit? How, to put it in what for a Neoplatonist is just another<br />

way, can what is passive and inert be caused by a being whose nature contains<br />

nothing <strong>of</strong> that kind but who is ‘pure activity’? Van Helmont’s resolution <strong>of</strong> the<br />

paradox is through a theory that, in the first place, is a theory <strong>of</strong> emanation,<br />

according to which God immediately produces from Himself things <strong>of</strong> a purely<br />

spiritual nature. These spirits do, however, degenerate and become dull, clinging<br />

together to form matter. The individual spirit, in this reduced state, is ‘now a<br />

natural Monade or single Being, and a very Atome’. 11 In common with the other<br />

Neoplatonists <strong>of</strong> the late seventeenth century—Leibniz, arguably, included—van<br />

Helmont produced a monadology that sought to combine a Neoplatonic<br />

metaphysics with contemporary scientific speculation about the nature <strong>of</strong> matter.<br />

Religious Neoplatonism had some influence in the Iberian Peninsula in the early<br />

sixteenth century, for instance on the thought <strong>of</strong> the Portuguese Jewish<br />

philosopher Leon Hebreo (or Abarbanel) (c. 1460– c. 1523), who wrote a<br />

dialogue on love. In France the common Neoplatonic view <strong>of</strong> Plato’s writing as<br />

prisca theologia, as part <strong>of</strong> a wisdom shared by Moses and other ancient writers,<br />

was taken up by Symphorien Champier and the brothers de la Boderie in the midsixteenth<br />

century. 12 But Platonism’s reputation for containing the seeds <strong>of</strong> many<br />

heresies was not forgotten. And in the reaffirmation <strong>of</strong> orthodoxy during the<br />

Catholic reformation and after the Council <strong>of</strong> Trent (1545–63) Aristotle was<br />

encouraged and Platonism actively discouraged. 13 None the less religious<br />

Neoplatonism continued to be influential, at least in liberal Protestant circles in<br />

Germany and Britain, right into the eighteenth century. 14<br />

ERASMUS AND CHRISTIAN HUMANISM<br />

Christian humanism was not so much a philosophical system but a set <strong>of</strong><br />

attitudes which could be held by people who were sympathetic to any or none <strong>of</strong><br />

the philosophies <strong>of</strong> the ancient world. The Christian humanists characteristically<br />

opposed metaphysical dogma with a sceptical outlook, preferring to rely on faith<br />

than to defend the Christian religion by scholastic pro<strong>of</strong>s, and they stressed a<br />

simple undogmatic Christianity rather than doctrinal correctness. 15 They also<br />

gave a place to ordinary human pleasures in opposition to the monastic virtues<br />

and helped to prepare the way for a revival <strong>of</strong> Epicureanism. 16 The humanists<br />

were very influential in opposing the then academic (scholastic) philosophy and<br />

theology during the Renaissance period. They were inclined to defend certain<br />

philosophical positions, such as belief in free will, but to do so in a nontheoretical<br />

way. Humanism was characteristically a lay movement and naturally<br />

encouraged a tendency to address more applied and topical questions.<br />

The doyen <strong>of</strong> Christian humanism was undoubtedly the great Dutch scholar<br />

Desiderius Erasmus (1466–1536). He was a pioneer in applying the critical<br />

methods <strong>of</strong> the humanists to the text <strong>of</strong> the Bible as well as in advocating its

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