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investments are "lumpy" and positively serially correlated, and when free cash flow<br />

varies over the business cycle (Shyam-Sunder & Myers, 1999).<br />

Frank and Goyal tested Shyam-Sunder and Myers' time-series specification for the<br />

pecking order on a much larger sample of companies from 1971 to 1998. This<br />

specification worked reasonably well for large companies, particularly in the 1970s<br />

and 1980s. They also find that variables motivated by the trade-off theory help<br />

explain changes in debt financing, even after accounting for changes in companies'<br />

financial deficits. Large companies with tangible assets borrow more, profitable<br />

companies with high market-book ratios borrow less (Frank & Goyal, 2003).<br />

Fama and French test the predictions of both trade-off and pecking-order models on a<br />

large panel of companies from 1965 to 1999. They also consider modified versions of<br />

the pecking order. (Fama & French, 1998) Both theories score some points in Fama<br />

and French's tests, but run into serious difficulties. The trade-off theory struggles to<br />

explain the strong inverse relationship of profitability and leverage. The pecking order<br />

struggles to explain the heavy reliance on equity issues by small growth companies<br />

(Fama & French, 2002).<br />

Baker and Wurgler find that issuing companies seem to "time" the market, issuing<br />

shares when their stock prices are high and turning to internal finance or debt when<br />

prices are low. Consistent pursuit of timing strategies would make debt ratios depend<br />

on paths of past stock prices as well as on requirements for external funds (Baker &<br />

Wurgler, 2002). Ritter calls this the "windows of opportunity" theory. If investors<br />

sometimes overprice issuing companies' shares, so that equity is truly cheap, then<br />

equity can move temporarily to the top of the pecking order. Thus the windows of<br />

opportunity theory could absolve the pecking order of a major empirical shortcoming,<br />

provided that one is willing to assume systematic mispricing of new issues, at least in<br />

"hot" issue periods (Ritter, 2003).<br />

Most research on corporate financing decisions considers the trade-off and peckingorder<br />

theories. There are convincing examples of these theories at work. The<br />

economic problems and incentives that drive the theories taxes, information and costs<br />

of agency and distress show up clearly in financing tactics. Yet none of the theories<br />

gives a general explanation of financing strategy. They are plausible as conditional<br />

theories, but we have only a partial understanding of the conditions under which each<br />

theory, or some combination of the theories, works (Myers, 2003). Zingales says that<br />

we need "new foundations" for corporate finance. The foundations will require a<br />

deeper understanding of the motives and behavior of managers and employees of the<br />

company (Zingales, 2000).<br />

1.4. Confronting theory with practice<br />

How companies make their capital structure decisions has been one of the most<br />

extensively researched areas in corporate finance, yet there is little consensus among<br />

these studies. In a recent paper, Graham and Harvey (2001) examine the theory and<br />

practice of corporate finance by surveying US managers. Bancel and Mittoo (2004) do<br />

the same in the European context, but differ in its scope and focus.<br />

Graham and Harvey (2001) test the implications of different capital structure theories<br />

through a survey of US managers. They find moderate support that companies follow<br />

the tradeoff theory and target their debt ratios. They also find some support for the<br />

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