A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of - Etheses - Queen Margaret ...
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of - Etheses - Queen Margaret ...
A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of - Etheses - Queen Margaret ...
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Chapter 7: Disability <strong>in</strong> Everyday Life<br />
Introduction<br />
200<br />
Power is a th<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the senses... it lives as a capacity, or a yearn<strong>in</strong>g, or a fester<strong>in</strong>g<br />
resentment... it can beg<strong>in</strong> as a secret kept or as a gesture glimpsed <strong>in</strong> a hallway<br />
(Stewart, 2007:84).<br />
Kathleen Stewart describes ways <strong>in</strong> which ideology is materialised through what she terms<br />
„the politics <strong>of</strong> ord<strong>in</strong>ary affect‟. While structures grow entrenched and identities take place<br />
with<strong>in</strong> ways <strong>of</strong> know<strong>in</strong>g that have become habitual, she argues that ord<strong>in</strong>ary affects give<br />
th<strong>in</strong>gs the quality <strong>of</strong> a „someth<strong>in</strong>g to <strong>in</strong>habit and animate‟ (Stewart, 2007:15). In this way:<br />
There‟s a politics to be<strong>in</strong>g/feel<strong>in</strong>g connected (or not), to impacts that are shared (or<br />
not)... to all the forms <strong>of</strong> attunement and attachment. There‟s a politics to ways <strong>of</strong><br />
watch<strong>in</strong>g and wait<strong>in</strong>g for someth<strong>in</strong>g to happen and to forms <strong>of</strong> agency... There‟s a<br />
politics to difference <strong>in</strong> itself... the difference <strong>of</strong> habit and dull rout<strong>in</strong>e, the difference<br />
<strong>of</strong> everyth<strong>in</strong>g that matters (Stewart, 2007:16).<br />
In my f<strong>in</strong>al chapter I describe and analyse a number <strong>of</strong> moments experienced by the<br />
participants <strong>in</strong> my research as they have been occupied <strong>in</strong> gett<strong>in</strong>g on with the bus<strong>in</strong>ess <strong>of</strong><br />
everyday life: prepar<strong>in</strong>g an even<strong>in</strong>g meal, go<strong>in</strong>g to a restaurant, look<strong>in</strong>g for a pair <strong>of</strong> shoes to<br />
buy <strong>in</strong> Marks and Spencer, for example. While such moments may be ord<strong>in</strong>arily overlooked<br />
and regarded as <strong>in</strong>significant, I argue that each is full <strong>of</strong> mean<strong>in</strong>g. With Brett Farmer, I<br />
would suggest that „it is precisely through the mundane and seem<strong>in</strong>gly trivial practices <strong>of</strong><br />
everyday life that ideology works most freely and effectively‟ (Farmer, 2003:22).<br />
Susan Willis observes that „almost everyth<strong>in</strong>g we do <strong>in</strong> daily life, we do as <strong>in</strong>dividuals‟<br />
(Willis, 1991:175), and it is as <strong>in</strong>dividuals that the politics <strong>of</strong> ord<strong>in</strong>ary effect are experienced:<br />
where the words are heard and behaviours encountered which fix impaired <strong>in</strong>dividuals <strong>in</strong> the<br />
disabled role and rem<strong>in</strong>d them <strong>of</strong> the expectations implicit <strong>in</strong> that role. The majority <strong>of</strong> these<br />
observations were made with research participants as <strong>in</strong>dividuals: watch<strong>in</strong>g TV; cross<strong>in</strong>g<br />
Birm<strong>in</strong>gham New Street Railway Station; visit<strong>in</strong>g an onl<strong>in</strong>e chat room. Three participants<br />
asked if they could <strong>in</strong>volve partners or friends as co-participants. Two participants I<br />
observed engag<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>teractively <strong>in</strong> work activities. I talked with each participant before and<br />
after each observation, usually by themselves but when asked I let other people jo<strong>in</strong> the<br />
conversations.<br />
Joe Moran identifies „the everyday‟ as a category that br<strong>in</strong>gs together lived culture and<br />
representation „<strong>in</strong> a way that makes sense <strong>of</strong>, but also obscures, the reality <strong>of</strong> cultural change<br />
and social difference‟ (Moran, 2005:13). This change happens <strong>in</strong>cessantly but without ever