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A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of - Etheses - Queen Margaret ...

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nor is it satisfied with the <strong>in</strong>terpretation <strong>of</strong> the mean<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> social actions. Its fundamental<br />

aim is to destroy the illusion <strong>of</strong> observed reality (Harvey, 1990).<br />

The substantive issue I want to address concerns the reasons why people with impairments<br />

<strong>of</strong>ten f<strong>in</strong>d it difficult to feel positive about be<strong>in</strong>g the people they are. This will <strong>in</strong>volve an<br />

attempt to penetrate both the outward appearances <strong>of</strong> what is go<strong>in</strong>g on and participants‟<br />

surface level responses.<br />

What I was look<strong>in</strong>g for, when <strong>in</strong>itially try<strong>in</strong>g to decide upon a framework for structur<strong>in</strong>g my<br />

research, was a comprehensive methodological approach through which I could deconstruct<br />

the personal tragedy myth and, hav<strong>in</strong>g subjected it to critical exploration and evaluation,<br />

propose a clarified affirmative model as a new construction „which seeks not to demonstrate<br />

f<strong>in</strong>al absolute truth, but to present an approximate reflection <strong>of</strong> reality which is subject to<br />

cont<strong>in</strong>uous change‟ (Harvey, 1990:197).<br />

Before elaborat<strong>in</strong>g on why Harvey‟s critical social research methodology suggested itself as<br />

the approach most likely to yield useful knowledge <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> this issue, I will briefly<br />

outl<strong>in</strong>e reasons which led me to reject other approaches to qualitative research.<br />

Why not ethnography?<br />

56<br />

Ethnography <strong>in</strong>volves an extended observation <strong>of</strong> the group, most <strong>of</strong>ten through<br />

participant observation, <strong>in</strong> which the researcher is immersed <strong>in</strong> the day-to-day lives<br />

<strong>of</strong> the people and observes and <strong>in</strong>terviews the group participants. Ethnographers<br />

study the behaviour, the language, and the <strong>in</strong>teraction among members <strong>of</strong> the<br />

culture-shar<strong>in</strong>g group (Creswell, 2007:68).<br />

I was <strong>in</strong>itially attracted to the idea <strong>of</strong> carry<strong>in</strong>g out my research as an ethnographic study<br />

because <strong>of</strong> the potential I saw for gather<strong>in</strong>g thick data on the day-to-day experiences <strong>of</strong><br />

disabled people as they occurred. This would have allowed me the opportunity to make clear<br />

my political commitment as a disabled person sid<strong>in</strong>g with the disabled people participat<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong> my research (Becker, 1991). However, there were a number <strong>of</strong> considerations which led to<br />

my rejection <strong>of</strong> this approach. These related to issues concerned with identify<strong>in</strong>g a group.<br />

Talk<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the disabled community does not describe a collective <strong>of</strong> people who necessarily<br />

spend a lot <strong>of</strong> time „hang<strong>in</strong>g out‟ together. While many disabled people do spend a lot <strong>of</strong><br />

time together <strong>in</strong> special schools, day centres, supported employment, and so on, I identify<br />

these <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> what John Fiske has described as stations rather than as locales:

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