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Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

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SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION AND CHANGE IN URBAN INDIA<br />

Implications<br />

<strong>The</strong> conclusions drawn from a review <strong>of</strong> the literature on Indian sociology<br />

were <strong>in</strong>corporated <strong>in</strong> the choice <strong>of</strong> social categories for the analysis <strong>of</strong> the<br />

Pune speech data. Here I have not treated caste groups and class as be<strong>in</strong>g<br />

coterm<strong>in</strong>ous. Follow<strong>in</strong>g Karve (1965), Bernsten (1978) and K.S. Rajyashree<br />

(1980) have comb<strong>in</strong>ed economic status with caste categories as “<strong>in</strong> general,<br />

it shows that the high castes and high economic status tend to converge” and<br />

the backward classes “still constitute the least educated and the lowest<br />

economic section <strong>in</strong> the society”, (K.S. Rajyashree 1980: 41). Thus, they use<br />

three broad caste-class categories: (1) advanced class (white collar and<br />

landed), (2) Backward classes (<strong>in</strong>clusive <strong>of</strong> scheduled castes and tribes), and<br />

(3) Others (cultivators and artisans). <strong>The</strong> assumption made <strong>in</strong> this approach<br />

is suited to a rural/ semi-urban sett<strong>in</strong>g; it does not, however, reflect urban<br />

Indian reality, where occupation groups cut across caste categories.<br />

Moreover, s<strong>in</strong>ce the focal <strong>in</strong>terest <strong>of</strong> this research is to exam<strong>in</strong>e the <strong>in</strong>fluence<br />

<strong>of</strong> education and social class across traditional caste groups as it is reflected<br />

<strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic behaviour, the variable <strong>of</strong> class is crucial to this study.<br />

3. <strong>The</strong> Pune Study<br />

3.1 Background<br />

Marathi, a modern descendant <strong>of</strong> Old Indo-Aryan, is the <strong>of</strong>ficial language <strong>in</strong><br />

the south-western state <strong>of</strong> Maharashtra and is spoken by over 70 million<br />

people (Census <strong>of</strong> India 1991) and has the third largest number <strong>of</strong> native<br />

speakers <strong>in</strong> the country after H<strong>in</strong>di and Telugu. Pune, after Mumbai<br />

(Bombay), is the second largest city <strong>in</strong> the state and has a population <strong>of</strong> 2.5<br />

million. While Mumbai is the economic and political capital <strong>of</strong> the state,<br />

Pune is recognised as the cultural seat. <strong>The</strong> study <strong>of</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic acculturation<br />

<strong>of</strong> various social groups <strong>in</strong> Pune acquires significance for a number <strong>of</strong> sociohistorical<br />

and sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic reasons.<br />

Both <strong>in</strong> pre- and post-<strong>in</strong>dependence times Pune has been at the hub <strong>of</strong><br />

political activity <strong>in</strong> the country. <strong>The</strong> Poona Sarvajanik Sabha, founded <strong>in</strong><br />

1870, was the lead<strong>in</strong>g association <strong>of</strong> western India <strong>in</strong> colonial times. Under<br />

the leadership <strong>of</strong> political activists like Ranade, the Sabha became one <strong>of</strong> the<br />

most active and energetic political associations <strong>in</strong> India (Johnson 1970).<br />

Under the <strong>in</strong>fluence <strong>of</strong> the Sabha, Pune witnessed the beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>gs <strong>of</strong> many<br />

social and judicial reforms <strong>in</strong> the last three decades <strong>of</strong> the n<strong>in</strong>eteenth<br />

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