Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

P. COUTSOUGERA
e.g. [peδja'] *[peδi'a] ‘children’
[vivli'a] *[vivlja'] ‘books’
[1i'.xtja] *[1i'.xti.a] ‘nets’
[ama'?i.a] ‘ignorance’ vs. [a@Aa'.?ja], ‘thorns’
It appears that, on this point (as on many others), CG has one
grammar, while SMG has two grammars, which interact with each other.
3. Opacity and Cypriot Greek
Some of the above examples in (a) are particularly interesting because
they are opaque:
i) Under-application of velarisation (c fails to become k in the
environment of r):
/xartia/ ! [xarca'] (instead of the expected form *[xarka'])
/kar1ia/ ! [karca'] (instead of the expected form *[karka'])
ii) Over-application of velarisation (velar k instead of palatal c seems to
surface gratuitously in the environment of an obstruent):
/alevria/ ! [ale'fka] (instead of the expected form *[ale'fca])
Opacity (Kiparky 1971) occurs when the conditioning
environment of a phonological process has been eliminated in the surface
representation and the process in question has become obscure, usually as
a result of a counterfeeding or a counterbleeding ordering of rules 6 (terms
first introduced by Kiparsky 1968). Below is a demonstration of
counterfeeding and counterbleeding rule orderings:
Counterfeeding order
/AA/
--- (rule 2: B!C / ___ ] )
B (rule 1: A!B / A ___ )
[AB]
6 in derivational terms
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