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Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

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SALIENCE IN LANGUAGE CHANGE<br />

compromise varieties like so-called ‘Estuary English’ (between RP and<br />

broader south-eastern speech) (Rosewarne 1994, Coggle 1993, Wells 1982).<br />

It could be said that H-dropp<strong>in</strong>g has extra-strong salience as a lowprestige<br />

marker, which leads to a tendency to abandon it. But a converse<br />

extra-strong salience may be appealed to <strong>in</strong> order to expla<strong>in</strong> its cont<strong>in</strong>ued<br />

strength <strong>in</strong> Hull: it could be that it is heard as ‘southern’ or ‘posh’, both <strong>of</strong><br />

which may be undesirable features among Northern teenagers. Appeal<strong>in</strong>g to<br />

extra-strong salience is, as we have seen, a circular argument if we stick just<br />

to the l<strong>in</strong>guistic correlates <strong>of</strong> salience. Also, this does not expla<strong>in</strong> why the<br />

orig<strong>in</strong>ally southern features <strong>of</strong> T-glottall<strong>in</strong>g and TH-front<strong>in</strong>g are adopted <strong>in</strong> the<br />

north with such rapidity. We need to look at large-scale attitud<strong>in</strong>al and<br />

identity factors affect<strong>in</strong>g the North and the South differently, and which<br />

operate <strong>in</strong>dependently <strong>of</strong> phonetic difference and phonological contrast. Even<br />

though T-glottall<strong>in</strong>g and TH-front<strong>in</strong>g are southern <strong>in</strong> orig<strong>in</strong> and are<br />

demonstrably spread<strong>in</strong>g from the south, they apparently do not pose a threat<br />

to a northern identity – unlike the use <strong>of</strong> /h/. <strong>The</strong> condition for this seems to<br />

be that the southern features must at the same time have low prestige.<br />

We must still expla<strong>in</strong> the re<strong>in</strong>statement <strong>of</strong> /h/ <strong>in</strong> the south among<br />

speakers who rema<strong>in</strong> quite strongly non-standard <strong>in</strong> their grammar and<br />

phonology. It appears that the evaluation <strong>of</strong> /h/ has changed among adolescent<br />

work<strong>in</strong>g-class speakers: it is as if it is no longer a marker <strong>of</strong> ‘poshness’ for<br />

these speakers. It is tempt<strong>in</strong>g to seek an explanation <strong>in</strong> the greater social<br />

mobility <strong>in</strong> the region than <strong>in</strong> the north. However, for the <strong>Read<strong>in</strong>g</strong> work<strong>in</strong>gclass<br />

adolescents this is not obviously the case, s<strong>in</strong>ce they are resident <strong>in</strong> a<br />

district <strong>of</strong> the town which has very strongly local networks <strong>in</strong> the same way as<br />

the Hull work<strong>in</strong>g-class subjects (Kerswill & Williams 1999; Cheshire et al.<br />

1999). If sociodemographic changes do turn out to differentiate the northern<br />

and southern teenagers, we must still expla<strong>in</strong> the southerners’ adoption and<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>tenance <strong>of</strong> other non-prestige features like TH-front<strong>in</strong>g and T-glottall<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Hav<strong>in</strong>g exhausted l<strong>in</strong>guistic and social explanations for the adoption vs. nonadoption<br />

<strong>of</strong> particular features, we have to recognise that we may, ultimately,<br />

be deal<strong>in</strong>g with l<strong>in</strong>guistically arbitrary factors.<br />

<strong>The</strong> follow<strong>in</strong>g is a summary <strong>of</strong> the results for the three consonantal<br />

variables:<br />

79

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