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J. MARSHALL have become more exposed to the possibility of becoming ‘mentally urbanised’. Whereas previously, many villagers would have seldom, if ever, journeyed into Aberdeen, many do nowadays. Their earlier conceptions of cities and their inhabitants may change as a result of this mobility, and they may become more mentally urbanised. This may mean that the individual becomes less resistant to the speech norms of the city, and even comes to favour them over local norms, which may take on increased connotations of rural backwardness. According to Aitken (1979b: 145), the fact that Scots has only recently begun to take a more prominent role in linguistic studies is surprising, as it is informative in the historical phonology of the English language, as well as in linguistic variation studies. In the last two generations, there has been a rather steep decline in the knowledge and use of the Doric. The changes underway mean that researchers can investigate more easily the social mechanisms involved in language change generally, and test existing sociolinguistic theories. 4. Social Networks Gumperz (1971: 14) points out that personal social network structure is influenced by a very large number of factors. It is therefore not possible to identify and measure all of them, though it is important to be able to justify the approach which has been adopted. The measurement of social network strength used in this study is based upon the one used by Milroy in her 1980 study of Belfast. 4.1 L. Milroy 1980 Milroy (1980, 2 nd ed. 1987) proposes that the notion of social networks be used as an analytic device, which can explain linguistic variation in a more sophisticated way than simple social stratification. Seen in terms of Milroy's concept of social networks, the people in this study mostly have what she calls high-density networks, that is, they interact within a defined territory, and their contacts nearly all know each other. Of course, the notion of high- versus low-density networks is a heuristic idealisation, and the reality is more like a continuum between the two, along which an individual can roughly be placed. 126
SOCIAL NETWORKS IN A RURAL SETTING Milroy also admits that it is both network patterns and complex attitudinal factors which act as a basis for the measurement of degree of integration into the community, and, as will be seen later, the Doric LIFMOD score is just such a measurement. The survival and transmission of a vernacular is partly due to important values of local loyalty and solidarity, often seen as opposites to institutionalised provincial or national values. There is a constant tension between these values, and the vernacular and the standard have prestige associated with each. This often corresponds to what is referred to as covert and overt prestige (Trudgill 1983). Milroy believes that a speaker’s network ties can change over time, and that this will affect the amount of influence the network has over the speaker. If an individual’s network structure becomes less close-knit, it follows that the mechanism of non-standard norm maintenance will no longer be so influential, and that he will be free of the constant supervision and control that the network exercised (Milroy 1987:182). It seems generally true that tribal societies, villages and traditional working-class communities usually have dense multiplex networks, while geographically and socially mobile societies usually have sparse uniplex networks (Milroy 1987: 52). Milroy believes that in order to apply any sort of quantitative analysis to the data, a network strength scale must be allocated to each speaker. This is because of the difficulty of seeing a person’s whole network. A five-point scale, designed to be relevant to the local community, was used in her Belfast study: 1. Membership of a high-density, territorially based cluster. 2. Having substantial ties of kinship in the neighbourhood (more than one household, in addition to his own nuclear family). 3. Working at the same place as at least two others from the same area. 4. The same place of work as at least two others of the same sex from the area. 5. Voluntary association with work mates in leisure hours. According to Milroy, condition one is an indicator of density, while conditions two to five are indicators of multiplexity. Allocating a network strength index score allows the network patterns of individuals to be measured and possible links with linguistic patterns to be tested. Milroy’s scale was developed for her urban study, but it is based on factors in the sociology literature, and ought to be generalisable to other communities if it is to have any sort of universal applicability, and besides, it is based on the criteria used by social 127
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K ALJENAIE testing ground. To what
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K ALJENAIE causative form is basica
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K ALJENAIE person diagram, the two
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K ALJENAIE 3.2 Data Analysis The sa
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K ALJENAIE Table 4 Osama’s longit
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K ALJENAIE The asterisk indicates t
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K ALJENAIE which is the transitive
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K ALJENAIE confirming Hyams (1986)
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K ALJENAIE Table 12 Sara’s realiz
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K ALJENAIE Table 15 Number of Infle
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K ALJENAIE masculine forms are cons
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K ALJENAIE Motar, A. (1969). Khasai
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P. COUTSOUGERA Plural Plural Singul
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P. COUTSOUGERA e.g. [peδja'] *[pe
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P. COUTSOUGERA As can be seen, in r
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P. COUTSOUGERA 6.1 Selection of the
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P. COUTSOUGERA References Anderson,
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R. INGHAM cognitive deficits. They
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R. INGHAM Van der Lely, H., & L. St
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Page 120 and 121: S. KULKARNI Marathi the kin term /m
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Page 124 and 125: S. KULKARNI Bapuji, B.R. (1994).
Page 126 and 127: S. KULKARNI Sastry, J.V. (1993). Re
Page 128 and 129: J. MARSHALL 2. Change versus Resist
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