Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...
Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...
Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...
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P. KERSWILL & A. WILLIAMS<br />
far sooner than the unmarked construction exemplified by To whom did John<br />
give the book?. <strong>The</strong> reason given is the massively greater frequency, or<br />
‘salience’, <strong>of</strong> strand<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the data available to the learners. We would add,<br />
however, that the salience <strong>of</strong> the construction <strong>in</strong> the target language may<br />
actually be caused by its very absence <strong>in</strong> the learners’ L1s, and that it is the<br />
result<strong>in</strong>g contrast effect coupled with high frequency that leads to its early<br />
adoption.<br />
Kerswill (1985) applies a def<strong>in</strong>ition <strong>of</strong> salience <strong>in</strong> terms <strong>of</strong> the<br />
sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic sensitivity <strong>of</strong> a feature, and suggests a l<strong>in</strong>k with phonetic<br />
discreteness. He proposes that, as the connected speech process <strong>of</strong> syllablecoda<br />
l-vocalisation <strong>in</strong> south-eastern English varieties becomes <strong>in</strong>creas<strong>in</strong>gly<br />
fossilised as the unmarked realisation (i.e., a part <strong>of</strong> canonical speech,<br />
unrelated to factors such as speak<strong>in</strong>g rate and attention), it becomes<br />
‘sociol<strong>in</strong>guistically salient’. Thus, speakers tend to produce film as [fFGm] <strong>in</strong><br />
all circumstances. In Labov’s terms, this vocalised pronunciation becomes the<br />
stigmatised variant <strong>of</strong> a l<strong>in</strong>guistic ‘marker’ with the non-vocalised velarised<br />
realisation [lH] as the other variant. Kerswill hypothesises that the salience is<br />
connected to the fact that, as l-vocalisation becomes fossilised, it ceases to be<br />
articulatorily and auditorily gradual, and takes on a phonetically dist<strong>in</strong>ctive<br />
variant, a vocoid [G], which differs more sharply from the ‘clear’ [l] used <strong>in</strong><br />
pre-vocalic environments than did [lH]. It is, therefore, a moot po<strong>in</strong>t whether<br />
the development <strong>of</strong> dist<strong>in</strong>ct variants follows from salience, or is the cause <strong>of</strong><br />
salience. Nolan, Kerswill and Wright (1991) f<strong>in</strong>d evidence for the<br />
sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic salience <strong>of</strong> the vocoid <strong>in</strong> some speakers’ ability to avoid its<br />
use, hypercorrectly replac<strong>in</strong>g it with the clear [l] <strong>in</strong> situations where there is<br />
social pressure to speak ‘correctly’ or when disambiguation is necessary.<br />
Moreover, a perception experiment carried out by them showed that the<br />
presence <strong>of</strong> l-vocalisation leads listeners to downgrade the social acceptability<br />
<strong>of</strong> a speaker, aga<strong>in</strong> suggest<strong>in</strong>g its sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic salience. Here, phonetic<br />
dist<strong>in</strong>ctness goes hand-<strong>in</strong>-hand with the evident social evaluation <strong>of</strong> the<br />
feature (its salience, as def<strong>in</strong>ed by these authors), revealed by speakers’ and<br />
listeners’ behaviour with respect to it.<br />
Us<strong>in</strong>g a rather more explicit def<strong>in</strong>ition <strong>of</strong> ‘salience’, Mufwene (1991)<br />
uses this notion to expla<strong>in</strong> the preference, <strong>in</strong> the pidg<strong>in</strong>s and creoles he has<br />
<strong>in</strong>vestigated, for analytic syntax and overt personal pronouns and other<br />
grammatical markers even <strong>in</strong> cases where the lexifier languages do not have<br />
these. Salience, for him, is used ‘strictly <strong>in</strong> perceptual terms for the<br />
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