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S. KULKARNI century. The Sabha was, however, dominated by the upper caste Brahmin elite. The Brahmin leaders failed to persuade the larger non-Brahmin population to accept their leadership and eventually Pune, the centre of Brahmin power in the mid-nineteenth century, became the stage for non- Brahmin propaganda. In 1873 Jotirao Phule, a Mali (gardener, non-Brahmin low caste), founded the Satya Shodhak Samaj in Pune to challenge the supremacy of the Brahmins and to champion the cause of the non-Brahmin castes. Above all, he aimed at educating non-Brahmins (and women) so that they would be able to compete with Brahmins on their own terms (for a detailed account refer to Johnson 1970). In the 1970s Pune once again became a scene for caste struggle in the state. The anti-caste movement initiated by Phule re-manifested in the shape of the Dalit Panthers. The dalits (the downtrodden in the society) waged a battle against the high caste nexus of the Brahmins and the landed Marathas. The Marathi language was standardised in the nineteenth century under the supervision of Major Candy, the British director of education in what was then the Bombay Presidency (K.S. Rajyashree 1980 provides a comprehensive account of the historical development of standard Marathi). The attempt was made in response to the need to have a uniform code which could be used to produce grammars and dictionaries of the language, and to finally translate school textbooks from the English to replace indigenous texts. The English-educated Brahmins and other high caste elite in the city of Pune, who were closer to the centre of power, first introduced the Marathi language to the British and, subsequently, their variety of the language came to be recognised as the prestigious variety. Pune had been the educational and cultural centre of Maharashtra besides being the seat of the government for over a century. The choice of the Pune variety met with little resistance and was generally approved by the influential native grammarians and scholars at the time. During the period 1874-1947 planned standardisation of the Marathi language resulted in a well-stabilised, elaborated code. Eminent social and political reformers writing in this variety lent further prestige to the standard code. The acceptance of the Pune variety for literary and educational purposes meant the relegation of the other dialects to the position of mere vernaculars. Since independence increasingly larger masses of people were being exposed to the standard variety through formal education, the mass media and social mobility. The growing number of educated people came from a wider range of social backgrounds and the standard was now being used in a variety of social domains; the regional non-standards such as the language of the slums and the lower castes were now finding expression in Marathi 100
SOCIOLINGUISTIC VARIATION AND CHANGE IN URBAN INDIA literature. The rigid variety of Marathi which had evolved during colonial times had to become flexible enough to accommodate changes. Thus, in the latter half of the twentieth century, standard Marathi attained “flexible stability” (K.S. Rajyashree 1980: 91-6). 3.2 Data Collection The data reported here are derived from fieldwork carried out in four secondary schools in Pune. It was expected that the modern urban school, which brings together in increasing numbers children from a variety of caste and class backgrounds, must act as an effective solvent of barriers between different social groups. The data were collected from 125 children (57 girls and 68 boys) aged 12-14 who were interviewed in same sex pairs. The normal routine during the course of the fieldwork was to first interview some volunteers with their best friends, to identify their peer group members, become acquainted with them and to record as many of them as possible in pairs in semi-structured informal interviews. Systematic information regarding the children’s family backgrounds and their social contacts in the school was obtained in the interviews and verified using the children’s responses to a sociological questionnaire. Some select friendship networks were studied in greater detail through participant observation. 3.3 The variables and analysis of the data The main social parameters included in this study are: 1. Sex of the child 2. Parents’ social status (a) Traditional caste membership (b) Mother’s education (c) Father’s education (d) Father’s occupational status 3. Children’s friendship networks in the school For the purposes of this paper I shall focus narrowly on the effects of the children’s caste identity and the family’s social class status on their linguistic choices. ‘Social class status’ was measured in terms of the father’s occupation. This was measured on a six-point scale and later conflated into two broad categories, working class and middle class, to make possible the study of interactions among the various social factors in the statistical programme used. 101
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K ALJENAIE testing ground. To what
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K ALJENAIE Motar, A. (1969). Khasai
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P. COUTSOUGERA References Anderson,
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R. INGHAM cognitive deficits. They
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