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Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

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SALIENCE IN LANGUAGE CHANGE<br />

factor is class, with middle class (MC) teenagers us<strong>in</strong>g far fewer <strong>of</strong> the<br />

<strong>in</strong>novative non-prestige variants than their work<strong>in</strong>g class (WC) peers. <strong>The</strong>re is<br />

a decidedly unclear gender distribution, though there is a tendency for girls to<br />

use more <strong>of</strong> the prestige variants – a pattern reversed among WC children <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>Read<strong>in</strong>g</strong> and Hull.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se rather similar results <strong>in</strong> the three towns (especially evident <strong>in</strong> the<br />

scores for Hull and <strong>Read<strong>in</strong>g</strong>) belie the very different recent histories <strong>of</strong> the<br />

features. All three features are at least a century old <strong>in</strong> London, and have been<br />

spread<strong>in</strong>g throughout the south-east, though TH-front<strong>in</strong>g has been slower to<br />

spread than glottall<strong>in</strong>g. In the North, all three are recent. In Hull, there is<br />

evidence that T-glottall<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> this <strong>in</strong>tervocalic environment started among<br />

today’s elderly generation, who use it but at a very low frequency, though <strong>in</strong><br />

other regions it is more recent still (<strong>in</strong> Newcastle-upon-Tyne, some 150 kms<br />

to the north, it is relatively widespread among young middle-class females<br />

born s<strong>in</strong>ce about 1970 – see Watt & Milroy, 1999: 29). In Hull, there is<br />

evidence that TH-front<strong>in</strong>g has only been common among work<strong>in</strong>g-class<br />

children s<strong>in</strong>ce some time <strong>in</strong> the decade after 1980. In the case <strong>of</strong> these three<br />

consonants, then, there is complete levell<strong>in</strong>g towards the southern pattern <strong>in</strong><br />

the northern city <strong>of</strong> Hull and, we suspect, elsewhere too.<br />

We must consider reasons why this happened at the same time for all<br />

three variables. <strong>The</strong> first possible explanation is that they are all consonants,<br />

and therefore pattern differently from vowels, which, as we have argued<br />

elsewhere (Williams & Kerswill 1999), show no North-South convergence at<br />

all. To answer this question, we look at another consonantal feature, that <strong>of</strong> H-<br />

dropp<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> lexical words like house, hard. All three towns lie <strong>in</strong> the large<br />

central belt <strong>of</strong> England where /h/ is dropped <strong>in</strong> traditional dialects and<br />

generally <strong>in</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g-class speech. This is, <strong>in</strong>deed, the pattern we f<strong>in</strong>d among<br />

our elderly speakers <strong>in</strong> all three towns, who <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terview used /h/ only<br />

between 5 and 12 per cent <strong>of</strong> the time. Figure 2 shows this pattern. However,<br />

it shows another extremely strik<strong>in</strong>g result: the<br />

100<br />

80<br />

60<br />

% [h] Milton Keynes<br />

% [h] <strong>Read<strong>in</strong>g</strong><br />

% [h] Hull<br />

40<br />

20<br />

0<br />

77<br />

Elderly Boys Girls

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