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J. MARSHALL Pedersen therefore, like Milroy, has searched for other ways of grouping speakers in an attempt to explain the phenomenon. She believes that urbanisation is the major factor determining language or register choice, even more than social stratification. She uses this term in the sense of ‘mental urbanisation’, i.e. the spread of a specifically urban pattern of behaviour that extends beyond physical urbanisation (Pedersen 1994: 87). She relies upon the nature of the network in order to measure the degree of urbanisation, since it is a common assumption that the networks of those who live in cities are of a different nature than the networks found in rural societies. However, at the level below the network, that of the individual, she finds this concept to be inadequate. She relies on the notion of life mode as an analytical tool to show that language variation at the individual level can be accounted for as ‘an expression of the tensions which exist between the person’s life mode and his or her objective social status’. In the Doric study, this concept has proved particularly useful. Before the building of transport links such as the railway line from Aberdeen to Inverness and the A96, many villagers seldom, if ever, journeyed into Aberdeen, whereas many do nowadays. The friction of distance 4 has been reduced, and people may be more open to mental urbanisation. Their earlier conceptions of cities and their inhabitants may change as a result of this mobility, and they may become less resistant to the social behaviour patterns emanating from the city. The resulting process of mental urbanisation may mean that the individual becomes less resistant to urban speech norms, and even come to favour them over local norms, which may take on increased connotations of rural backwardness. Those individuals who resist such mental urbanisation have proved to be more resistant to linguistic influence from the city as well, as will be shown in section 7. Pedersen believes that urbanisation, in the mental sense, has been transmitted by means of mass communication, like the television, to the population in the rural areas 5 . Cultural uniformity has been advanced as the culture of the city/metropolis has spread and dissolved the rural communities with their local ties (Pedersen 1994: 88). She has compared this degree of mental urbanisation with the linguistic variation that is found in communities which were once purely rural, and found a correlation, although she has not quantified this. In this study, mental life mode has been quantified and used as an independent variable for the analysis of the linguistic data. 4 A term often used by geolinguists. 5 Although, for a view on the transmission of linguistic change, see Trudgill (1986). 142
SOCIAL NETWORKS IN A RURAL SETTING 5.2 Rural Life Modes The traditional agricultural family with its rural life mode is characterised by integration in production and a lack of sharp distinction between work and leisure time. Survival and the possibility of passing the productive mechanism to the next generation are highly important. Kinship ties often exist with other families in the area, and goods are often exchanged. There is an orientation towards a nearby town, participation in local club activities, and local friends and acquaintances. The entire family ideology is one of mutual responsibility, and qualities such as endurance, responsibility, independence and co-operation are highly valued. The farm is what life revolves around, and what gives independence to its owners. 5.3 Urban Life Modes These are tied to a means of industrial production. Here work is detached from family life, and separated from the home spatially and temporally. Leisure time is spent in the home, and the family has no function in the organisation of the productive apparatus. The family ‘delegates’ tasks such as child-minding and food production to outsiders, in that food is bought in shops, rather than grown. One does not have to associate with one’s neighbours. The worker and career person share these aspects. The two are different in that the worker (specially the man) sharply divides working and leisure time, and the latter gives life its meaning. People at work do not usually form part of one’s social group, or meet one’s family for social activities. At work, one’s ideal is ‘solidarity’ with the other workers against the ‘others’, the bosses. The career life mode lacks these sharp contrasts between work and leisure. Here people refer to themselves as part of the company, and often work overtime without extra pay. It is their work which makes life worth living for these people, and they are reasonably free to manage their affairs in their work. Here dedication and ambition are highly important (Pedersen 1994: 90). 5.4 Composite Life Modes The changing material circumstances of rural people have been seen as the cause of their mental urbanisation. Life Mode analysis shows that it is not the 143
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K ALJENAIE testing ground. To what
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K ALJENAIE Table 12 Sara’s realiz
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K ALJENAIE Motar, A. (1969). Khasai
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R. INGHAM cognitive deficits. They
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Page 124 and 125: S. KULKARNI Bapuji, B.R. (1994).
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