Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...
Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...
Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...
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J. MARSHALL<br />
anthropologists. As many <strong>of</strong> the respondents <strong>in</strong> the Doric study are farmers, or<br />
their wives or children, numbers three and four have been slightly revised, and<br />
some extra questions added 1 . <strong>The</strong>se are similar, but more specifically stated.<br />
Some critics (Maehlum 1983, Coates 1986) have noted that social network<br />
criteria are biased towards males, especially <strong>in</strong> work<strong>in</strong>g-class and traditional,<br />
rural communities. This is likely to cause a ‘gender effect’. Questions three to<br />
five above are not appropriate for women who manage homes and children,<br />
and their answers yield low network strength <strong>in</strong>dices, yet they may <strong>in</strong>teract<br />
strongly with locals <strong>in</strong> a non-work<strong>in</strong>g environment. <strong>The</strong> Doric questions were<br />
therefore worded specifically to <strong>in</strong>clude housewives and children, and the<br />
questions were <strong>of</strong>ten rephrased dur<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>terviews to tease out such<br />
possibilities.<br />
In sum then, Lesley Milroy f<strong>in</strong>ds strong evidence to support the theory<br />
that a dense, multiplex network structure will predict relative closeness to<br />
vernacular norms. She believes that this is because a close-knit network has<br />
the capacity to exercise close supervision and control over its members. She<br />
does, however, po<strong>in</strong>t to certa<strong>in</strong> constra<strong>in</strong>ts on the capacity <strong>of</strong> network<br />
structure to <strong>in</strong>fluence language use, say<strong>in</strong>g that the relationship between the<br />
two is not absolute. Its <strong>in</strong>fluence is most felt <strong>in</strong> communities where traditional<br />
sex/network equivalence patterns are preserved. When these patterns are<br />
disturbed for some reason, such as geographical mobility or high male<br />
unemployment, the relationship between network and language use is less<br />
close (Milroy 1987: 162). Of course, this compromises the general<br />
applicability <strong>of</strong> the theory.<br />
She also admits that the question <strong>of</strong> why some speakers are more<br />
closely <strong>in</strong>tegrated <strong>in</strong>to local networks than others cannot easily be answered,<br />
and that this placed limitations on how we should <strong>in</strong>terpret correlations<br />
between language use and network structure. <strong>The</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e <strong>of</strong> causality is not predeterm<strong>in</strong>ed<br />
and necessary here. She asks the question ‘does a person choose to<br />
be more or less closely <strong>in</strong>tegrated <strong>in</strong>to his community and to signal his choice<br />
when he speaks?’ She cites Le Page as say<strong>in</strong>g that<br />
<strong>The</strong> <strong>in</strong>dividual creates his system <strong>of</strong> verbal behaviour so as to resemble those<br />
common to the group or groups with which he wishes from time to time to be<br />
identified (Le Page 1968, cited <strong>in</strong> Milroy 1987:182, my emphasis).<br />
1 <strong>The</strong> questions were designed to have local relevance, based on observations made dur<strong>in</strong>g the pilot study.<br />
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