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Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

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SOCIAL NETWORKS IN A RURAL SETTING<br />

with high degrees <strong>of</strong> mental urbanisation will travel to the city more <strong>of</strong>ten to<br />

go to the theatre, shops, and to visit friends. <strong>The</strong>y will not only be exposed to<br />

urban speech more, but also be more receptive to it. <strong>The</strong> l<strong>in</strong>guistic features <strong>of</strong><br />

Aberdeen speech are, at least for middle-class speakers, close to the national<br />

standard emanat<strong>in</strong>g from Ed<strong>in</strong>burgh. <strong>The</strong> only differences are phonetic and<br />

prosodic, with a few lexical items surviv<strong>in</strong>g. This is the norm to which northeasterners<br />

look, and these are the features which are adopted.<br />

Urban and rural speech communities, while shar<strong>in</strong>g many important<br />

features, are nevertheless different <strong>in</strong> many ways. In a recent paper,<br />

Røyneland (<strong>2000</strong>) shows that language change <strong>in</strong> cities is endocentric, or<br />

<strong>in</strong>ternally generated, while that <strong>in</strong> peripheral areas is exocentric, or contact<strong>in</strong>duced.<br />

She writes that the role <strong>of</strong> adolescents differs <strong>in</strong> the two sorts <strong>of</strong> area:<br />

<strong>in</strong> cities, adolescents are more non-standard than older generations, while <strong>in</strong><br />

exocentric ones they are more standard. While the Doric Study has not<br />

focused on the role <strong>of</strong> adolescents, and on the effect <strong>of</strong> age generally, the data<br />

analysis agrees with that <strong>of</strong> Røyneland, <strong>in</strong> that adolescents are lead<strong>in</strong>g the<br />

changes towards the standard, at least as far as the males are concerned. What<br />

is focused upon more here is the degree <strong>of</strong> mental urbanisation <strong>of</strong> a rural<br />

speaker, regardless <strong>of</strong> age, and what implications this has for dialect<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>tenance. However, fundamental differences between the two types <strong>of</strong><br />

community exist at all levels, and the implications <strong>of</strong> this are far-reach<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong><br />

terms <strong>of</strong> the different directions <strong>of</strong> change, different network structures, and<br />

attitudes to change.<br />

4.2 J. and L. Milroy 1985<br />

<strong>The</strong> Milroys admit that social network analysis is limited by its superior<br />

ability to handle close-knit ties as opposed to weak, diffuse types <strong>of</strong> network<br />

structure, because <strong>of</strong> the fact that personal networks are <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ciple<br />

unbounded. <strong>The</strong>ir model suggests that ‘<strong>in</strong>novations flow from one group to<br />

another through ‘weak’ network l<strong>in</strong>ks’ (Milroy J. and L. 1985: 344). This<br />

model <strong>of</strong>fers a practical solution to an aspect <strong>of</strong> the actuation problem, and as<br />

such is concerned with speaker <strong>in</strong>novation. Close-knit networks are located<br />

ma<strong>in</strong>ly at the top and bottom <strong>of</strong> society (at least <strong>in</strong> Brita<strong>in</strong>), with the majority<br />

<strong>of</strong> socially and geographically mobile people located between these two<br />

po<strong>in</strong>ts. For close-knit, territorially def<strong>in</strong>ed groups, however, they claim that it<br />

is possible to treat personal networks as if they were bounded groups, and<br />

133

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