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R. INGHAM 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 SLI [+LD] LN BPVS matches Figure 1: Past tense % realisation - SLIs [+LD] and LN matches 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 SLIs [-LD] LN BPVS matches Figure 2: Past tense % realisation – SLIs [-LD] and LN matches 54
LEXICAL AND GRAMMATICAL DEFICITS IN SLI All the matches scored above 85%, but five of the SLIs in the [+LD] group and four of those in [-LD] group (Figure 2) scored below 60%. The means for the two SLI groups are almost identical, close to 63%: Table 2: Group mean percent correct on reg. Past Tense realisation SLI [+LD] Past Tns LN matches of [+LD]s 63.4 95.5 63.5 SLI [-LD] matches of [-LD]s 62.5 98.0 The lexical deficit clearly fails to predict performance on regular past tense, considered to be a key indicator of grammatical deficit. The implications of this finding will be discussed below. Other vulnerable areas of grammar in grammatical impairment (Loeb & Leonard 1991) are null subjects and pronoun case. Even adults sometimes ellipt subjects in finite clauses (cf. Schelletter 1990), so a null subject score of up to 5% was not taken as an indicator of a grammatical deficit. However, only two of the SLI children with a LD showed null subjects with a frequency of over 5% and with the SLI children with no lexical deficit the same was found. Pronoun case errors, where a child used the object form of a pronoun in a nominative case context were rare in both SLI groups. Thus the hypothesis derived from Locke that the [+LD] children with SLI would show a pattern of much more severe grammatical deficits than the [–LD] group was not upheld. What we found instead is a dissociation between widespread problems with past tense forms, and generally correct performance on pronoun forms and obligatory subjects, a result which in fact raises questions as to the account of grammatical SLI as an extended optional infinitive phase (Rice, Wexler & Cleave 1995) which cannot be pursued here for reasons of space. However, it should be noted that the four children with frequent null subjects were among those with the lowest past tense realisation, an association predicted by the optional infinitive account. We move on now to the other issue that investigated in this research. Was verb argument structure performance associated with a lexical deficit? In order to answer this question, rather than comparing SLI groups with their matches, we need to compare the performance of the two SLI groups directly. 55
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K ALJENAIE testing ground. To what
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Page 10 and 11: K ALJENAIE person diagram, the two
Page 12 and 13: K ALJENAIE 3.2 Data Analysis The sa
Page 14 and 15: K ALJENAIE Table 4 Osama’s longit
Page 16 and 17: K ALJENAIE The asterisk indicates t
Page 18 and 19: K ALJENAIE which is the transitive
Page 20 and 21: K ALJENAIE confirming Hyams (1986)
Page 22 and 23: K ALJENAIE Table 12 Sara’s realiz
Page 24 and 25: K ALJENAIE Table 15 Number of Infle
Page 26 and 27: K ALJENAIE masculine forms are cons
Page 28 and 29: K ALJENAIE Motar, A. (1969). Khasai
Page 30 and 31: P. COUTSOUGERA Plural Plural Singul
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Page 36 and 37: P. COUTSOUGERA As can be seen, in r
Page 38 and 39: P. COUTSOUGERA 6.1 Selection of the
Page 40 and 41: P. COUTSOUGERA /alevr-I-a/ Tableau
Page 42 and 43: P. COUTSOUGERA different areas of t
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Page 48 and 49: P. COUTSOUGERA Tableau 6: Applicati
Page 50 and 51: P. COUTSOUGERA References Anderson,
Page 52 and 53: R. INGHAM cognitive deficits. They
Page 54 and 55: R. INGHAM 2. Subjects and hypothese
Page 56 and 57: R. INGHAM good as their CA matches
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Page 66 and 67: R. INGHAM Van der Lely, H., & L. St
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S. KULKARNI 4. Quantitative Analyse
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S. KULKARNI comparatively lower (in
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S. KULKARNI Table 3: Percentage use
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S. KULKARNI showing an almost compl
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S. KULKARNI 50 mean % std. score 40
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S. KULKARNI 100 mean % std. score 9
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S. KULKARNI Marathi the kin term /m
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S. KULKARNI not by the less-privile
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S. KULKARNI Bapuji, B.R. (1994).
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S. KULKARNI Sastry, J.V. (1993). Re
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J. MARSHALL 2. Change versus Resist
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J. MARSHALL have become more expose
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J. MARSHALL anthropologists. As man
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J. MARSHALL for data such as Milroy
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J. MARSHALL To some extent, [networ
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J. MARSHALL these close-knit ties a
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J. MARSHALL Life mode 1. Life modes
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J. MARSHALL There are, however, som
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J. MARSHALL can choose a high level
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J. MARSHALL Pedersen therefore, lik
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J. MARSHALL case that these people
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J. MARSHALL 6. Research Question an
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J. MARSHALL ‘are high in frequenc
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J. MARSHALL 6.5. Morphological Vari
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J. MARSHALL 4 Do you work/go to sch
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J. MARSHALL 8) I never eat brose or
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J. MARSHALL mentioned, a ‘real ti
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J. MARSHALL 3. LEXREC. This is an i
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J. MARSHALL which comes nearest to
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J. MARSHALL LIFMODLEXREC 60 50 40 L
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J. MARSHALL the different tests wer
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J. MARSHALL PHOVAR = 21.1 + 0.573 A
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J. MARSHALL There is no significant
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J. MARSHALL 7.6. SOCNET as a Predic
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J. MARSHALL SOCNET is again not sig
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J. MARSHALL integrated sociolinguis
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I. SINKA, M. GARMAN AND C. SCHELLET
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