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P. KERSWILL & A. WILLIAMS naturalness. Restricting the discussion to just this factor is because, in this project, all the remaining factors are constant, even if their values are not always known. Where this fails, we look at the language-internal salience factors (phonological contrast and phonetic distance), and then at other language-external, sociolinguistic/social-psychological factors. Consonants Figure 1 shows the distribution of T-glottalling and ?- and 1-fronting in the three towns. T-glottalling refers to the replacement of [t] by [C] in intervocalic positions within a word, as in [leCJ] for letter. ?-fronting refers to the variable (th), which concerns the replacement of /?/ by /f/, giving [fF@] for thing. 1- fronting refers to the (dh) variable, the equivalent process affecting non-initial /1/, which is replaced by /v/ in words like brother. Together, the latter two changes are often referred to as TH-fronting. The distribution of all three is broadly similar in all three towns: the strongest 100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0 MC girls MC boys WC girls WC boys MC girls MC boys WC girls WC boys MC girls MC boys WC girls WC boys Milton Keynes Reading Hull % glottal stop for intervocalic /t/ % f for (th) % v for (dh) Figure 1: Non-standard variants of three consonantal variables (interview data) 76
SALIENCE IN LANGUAGE CHANGE factor is class, with middle class (MC) teenagers using far fewer of the innovative non-prestige variants than their working class (WC) peers. There is a decidedly unclear gender distribution, though there is a tendency for girls to use more of the prestige variants – a pattern reversed among WC children in Reading and Hull. These rather similar results in the three towns (especially evident in the scores for Hull and Reading) belie the very different recent histories of the features. All three features are at least a century old in London, and have been spreading throughout the south-east, though TH-fronting has been slower to spread than glottalling. In the North, all three are recent. In Hull, there is evidence that T-glottalling in this intervocalic environment started among today’s elderly generation, who use it but at a very low frequency, though in other regions it is more recent still (in Newcastle-upon-Tyne, some 150 kms to the north, it is relatively widespread among young middle-class females born since about 1970 – see Watt & Milroy, 1999: 29). In Hull, there is evidence that TH-fronting has only been common among working-class children since some time in the decade after 1980. In the case of these three consonants, then, there is complete levelling towards the southern pattern in the northern city of Hull and, we suspect, elsewhere too. We must consider reasons why this happened at the same time for all three variables. The first possible explanation is that they are all consonants, and therefore pattern differently from vowels, which, as we have argued elsewhere (Williams & Kerswill 1999), show no North-South convergence at all. To answer this question, we look at another consonantal feature, that of H- dropping in lexical words like house, hard. All three towns lie in the large central belt of England where /h/ is dropped in traditional dialects and generally in working-class speech. This is, indeed, the pattern we find among our elderly speakers in all three towns, who in the interview used /h/ only between 5 and 12 per cent of the time. Figure 2 shows this pattern. However, it shows another extremely striking result: the 100 80 60 % [h] Milton Keynes % [h] Reading % [h] Hull 40 20 0 77 Elderly Boys Girls
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K ALJENAIE testing ground. To what
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K ALJENAIE causative form is basica
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K ALJENAIE person diagram, the two
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K ALJENAIE 3.2 Data Analysis The sa
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K ALJENAIE Table 4 Osama’s longit
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K ALJENAIE The asterisk indicates t
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K ALJENAIE which is the transitive
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K ALJENAIE confirming Hyams (1986)
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K ALJENAIE Table 12 Sara’s realiz
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K ALJENAIE Table 15 Number of Infle
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K ALJENAIE masculine forms are cons
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K ALJENAIE Motar, A. (1969). Khasai
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Page 36 and 37: P. COUTSOUGERA As can be seen, in r
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Page 52 and 53: R. INGHAM cognitive deficits. They
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Page 120 and 121: S. KULKARNI Marathi the kin term /m
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Page 124 and 125: S. KULKARNI Bapuji, B.R. (1994).
Page 126 and 127: S. KULKARNI Sastry, J.V. (1993). Re
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J. MARSHALL have become more expose
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J. MARSHALL anthropologists. As man
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J. MARSHALL for data such as Milroy
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J. MARSHALL To some extent, [networ
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J. MARSHALL these close-knit ties a
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J. MARSHALL Life mode 1. Life modes
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J. MARSHALL There are, however, som
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J. MARSHALL can choose a high level
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J. MARSHALL Pedersen therefore, lik
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J. MARSHALL case that these people
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J. MARSHALL 6. Research Question an
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J. MARSHALL ‘are high in frequenc
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J. MARSHALL 6.5. Morphological Vari
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J. MARSHALL 4 Do you work/go to sch
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J. MARSHALL 8) I never eat brose or
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J. MARSHALL mentioned, a ‘real ti
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J. MARSHALL 3. LEXREC. This is an i
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J. MARSHALL which comes nearest to
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J. MARSHALL LIFMODLEXREC 60 50 40 L
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J. MARSHALL the different tests wer
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J. MARSHALL PHOVAR = 21.1 + 0.573 A
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J. MARSHALL There is no significant
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J. MARSHALL 7.6. SOCNET as a Predic
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J. MARSHALL SOCNET is again not sig
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J. MARSHALL integrated sociolinguis
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I. SINKA, M. GARMAN AND C. SCHELLET
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