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Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

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SOCIAL NETWORKS IN A RURAL SETTING<br />

network model with the social class model. <strong>The</strong>y argue that the structure and<br />

social function <strong>of</strong> both strong and weak network types needs to be considered<br />

<strong>in</strong> order to do this. <strong>The</strong>y feel, however, that analyses <strong>of</strong> variation based on<br />

social class are limited when the subgroups are economically marg<strong>in</strong>al, not<br />

distributed evenly with respect to class, or live <strong>in</strong> territorially well def<strong>in</strong>ed<br />

neighbourhoods (Milroys 1992: 6).<br />

<strong>The</strong> orig<strong>in</strong>al (1980) work has been ref<strong>in</strong>ed somewhat <strong>in</strong> this paper. <strong>The</strong><br />

Milroys acknowledge that some studies have shown that close-knit networks<br />

are found mostly <strong>in</strong> rural areas nowadays, with urban (specially middle-class)<br />

areas hav<strong>in</strong>g more loose-knit networks, with impersonal ties and greater social<br />

distance.<br />

In any close-knit network, a weaken<strong>in</strong>g <strong>of</strong> the structure will allow more<br />

outside <strong>in</strong>novation and <strong>in</strong>fluence. While the Milroys claim that network<br />

analysis is effective <strong>in</strong> expla<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the effects <strong>of</strong> strong ties, they concede that it<br />

cannot easily demonstrate the effects <strong>of</strong> weak ties us<strong>in</strong>g quantitative methods.<br />

<strong>The</strong>y agree however, with Granovetter (1973), who claims it is weak l<strong>in</strong>ks<br />

which are the paths along which <strong>in</strong>novations travel between groups, and so it<br />

is at the level <strong>of</strong> theory that the notion <strong>of</strong> weak ties is most useful.<br />

<strong>The</strong> theoretical implications <strong>of</strong> the weak tie model are numerous.<br />

Mewett (1982) argues that class differences <strong>in</strong> small communities beg<strong>in</strong> to<br />

emerge over time as the proportion <strong>of</strong> multiplex relations decl<strong>in</strong>es. This<br />

suggests the development <strong>of</strong> a sociol<strong>in</strong>guistic model with two levels: one<br />

where small-scale network structures have <strong>in</strong>dividuals embedded and act<strong>in</strong>g<br />

‘with <strong>in</strong>tent’ <strong>in</strong> their daily lives, and the other where large-scale social class<br />

structures determ<strong>in</strong>e relationships <strong>of</strong> power at the <strong>in</strong>stitutional level (Milroys<br />

1992: 16). This model proposes local stability and cohesion at the network<br />

level versus overall fragmentation and conflict at the social class level, and<br />

that the two types <strong>of</strong> analysis are <strong>in</strong> fact complementary. <strong>The</strong> Milroys do<br />

admit that the model is more suited to urban communities (p. 17).<br />

At this po<strong>in</strong>t the Milroys <strong>in</strong>troduce Thomas Højrup’s (1983) concept <strong>of</strong><br />

‘Life Modes’, and attempt to <strong>in</strong>tegrate it <strong>in</strong>to their model, together with social<br />

class. It will be useful to summarise Højrup’s paper at this po<strong>in</strong>t, before go<strong>in</strong>g<br />

on to exam<strong>in</strong>e how the Milroys have <strong>in</strong>corporated it <strong>in</strong>to their model. Højrup’s<br />

(1983) notion <strong>of</strong> ‘Life Modes’ was developed <strong>in</strong> Denmark for social<br />

anthropology, but can be useful for sociol<strong>in</strong>guistics. In this model, all people<br />

belong to one <strong>of</strong> three modes <strong>of</strong> production or ‘life modes’:<br />

135

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