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Reading Working Papers in Linguistics 4 (2000) - The University of ...

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P. KERSWILL & A. WILLIAMS<br />

<strong>The</strong> ‘grammar salience test’ was adm<strong>in</strong>istered as a questionnaire dur<strong>in</strong>g<br />

group discussions with the adolescents. Sentences conta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g examples <strong>of</strong> 40<br />

non-standard features were presented <strong>in</strong> pr<strong>in</strong>ted form (follow<strong>in</strong>g the practice<br />

adopted <strong>in</strong> Cheshire, Edwards & Whittle 1989/1993), and the subjects had to<br />

write down whether they thought the constructions could be heard <strong>in</strong> their<br />

town.<br />

Table 4 shows the recognition scores for some <strong>of</strong> these features. Below<br />

each score, the work<strong>in</strong>g-class subjects’ actual usage is given, expressed as the<br />

percentage use <strong>of</strong> the non-standard form <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>terviews. Four ma<strong>in</strong> patterns<br />

emerge. Pattern 1 shows that, for a number <strong>of</strong> features, medium or high usage<br />

among work<strong>in</strong>g-class speakers goes with a high recognition rate among both<br />

work<strong>in</strong>g-class and middle-class judges. Pattern 2 shows that the same is true<br />

for features particular to <strong>in</strong>dividual towns: non-standard done <strong>in</strong> the southern<br />

towns and non-standard was <strong>in</strong> Hull. Conversely, Pattern 3 shows that low<br />

l<strong>in</strong>guistic scores can correspond to relatively low recognition rates.<br />

<strong>The</strong> results for Patterns 1–3 are <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with the assumption, stated<br />

earlier, that grammatical features are likely to be salient because their variants<br />

are dist<strong>in</strong>ct. However, there are other patterns which suggest that factors other<br />

than dist<strong>in</strong>ctness are at work. Pattern 4 suggests that some strongly localised<br />

features can receive a high recognition rate, even when their absolute<br />

frequencies are low. Both the Hull zero def<strong>in</strong>ite article and the <strong>Read<strong>in</strong>g</strong> nonstandard<br />

present tense -s are decreas<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> frequency, yet they rema<strong>in</strong> highly<br />

salient. Furthermore, with<strong>in</strong> Patterns 2 and 3 we f<strong>in</strong>d a mismatch between<br />

recognition rates for the two groups <strong>of</strong> judges. Thus, <strong>in</strong> Hull, middle-class<br />

adolescents believed that preterite done was a characteristic <strong>of</strong> local speech<br />

(show<strong>in</strong>g this by their ‘recognition’ rate <strong>of</strong> 100 per cent), while the l<strong>in</strong>guistic<br />

score (at 8 per cent) demonstrated this was not the case – did is the local form.<br />

It is as if these judges are stereotyp<strong>in</strong>g local non-standard speech, attribut<strong>in</strong>g<br />

an otherwise widespread and stigmatised feature to Hull when it is <strong>in</strong> fact<br />

largely absent there. Conversely, <strong>in</strong> <strong>Read<strong>in</strong>g</strong>, middle-class judges fail to<br />

recognise the present tense marker -s. <strong>The</strong>se results suggest that, even with<strong>in</strong><br />

a s<strong>in</strong>gle town, there can be a lack <strong>of</strong> shared knowledge <strong>of</strong> local norms, a fact<br />

which is very much <strong>in</strong> l<strong>in</strong>e with the results from a ‘dialect recognition’<br />

experiment reported <strong>in</strong> Kerswill & Williams (forthcom<strong>in</strong>g). It follows that<br />

salience, however def<strong>in</strong>ed and however caused, will be different for different<br />

social groups.<br />

86

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