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J. MARSHALL anthropologists. As many of the respondents in the Doric study are farmers, or their wives or children, numbers three and four have been slightly revised, and some extra questions added 1 . These are similar, but more specifically stated. Some critics (Maehlum 1983, Coates 1986) have noted that social network criteria are biased towards males, especially in working-class and traditional, rural communities. This is likely to cause a ‘gender effect’. Questions three to five above are not appropriate for women who manage homes and children, and their answers yield low network strength indices, yet they may interact strongly with locals in a non-working environment. The Doric questions were therefore worded specifically to include housewives and children, and the questions were often rephrased during the interviews to tease out such possibilities. In sum then, Lesley Milroy finds strong evidence to support the theory that a dense, multiplex network structure will predict relative closeness to vernacular norms. She believes that this is because a close-knit network has the capacity to exercise close supervision and control over its members. She does, however, point to certain constraints on the capacity of network structure to influence language use, saying that the relationship between the two is not absolute. Its influence is most felt in communities where traditional sex/network equivalence patterns are preserved. When these patterns are disturbed for some reason, such as geographical mobility or high male unemployment, the relationship between network and language use is less close (Milroy 1987: 162). Of course, this compromises the general applicability of the theory. She also admits that the question of why some speakers are more closely integrated into local networks than others cannot easily be answered, and that this placed limitations on how we should interpret correlations between language use and network structure. The line of causality is not predetermined and necessary here. She asks the question ‘does a person choose to be more or less closely integrated into his community and to signal his choice when he speaks?’ She cites Le Page as saying that The individual creates his system of verbal behaviour so as to resemble those common to the group or groups with which he wishes from time to time to be identified (Le Page 1968, cited in Milroy 1987:182, my emphasis). 1 The questions were designed to have local relevance, based on observations made during the pilot study. 128
SOCIAL NETWORKS IN A RURAL SETTING In other words, does a personal network score reflect a psychological (attitudinal) fact, or does it simply reflect in a neutral way his informal relationship structures? (Milroy 1987:214). The two models are therefore as follows in Figure 1. 1. Social Networks as norm-enforcers. 2. Personal Choice. A person has dense, multiplex social networks (not necessarily as a result of personal choice). A person has a positive mental orientation to the local community. This network exercises close supervision and control over the person, acting as a normenforcement mechanism. The person chooses to be relatively closely integrated into it. The person signals this orientation (and choice) when speaking. The person’s social (including linguistic) behaviour closely resembles that of the others in the community. Figure 1. The person’s social (including linguistic) behaviour closely resembles that of the others in the community. The line of causality implicitly proposed by social network theory has the network as the agent, exercising its influence on the person, who is the patient. The question of how the person has come to belong to the network in the first place is not answered 2 . The person passively follows the norms and values prescribed by the network, and the end result is that he or she displays local behavioural norms. On the other hand, given that personal choice is acknowledged in so many other linguistic studies, for example on code-switching (Macaulay 1991), perhaps we should examine more carefully how the mechanism actually works. The line of causality proposed on the right-hand side of the diagram above shows the same end result as the one on the left. It can account 2 Later, J. and L. Milroy (1992) go on to point to macro-level social, political, and economic structures as the point of origin. These lead to persons falling into one of three life modes, which in turn lead to certain patterns in community-based ties, and then to maintenance of vernacular or standard norms. 129
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K ALJENAIE testing ground. To what
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K ALJENAIE causative form is basica
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K ALJENAIE Table 4 Osama’s longit
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K ALJENAIE The asterisk indicates t
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K ALJENAIE confirming Hyams (1986)
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K ALJENAIE Table 12 Sara’s realiz
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K ALJENAIE Table 15 Number of Infle
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K ALJENAIE masculine forms are cons
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K ALJENAIE Motar, A. (1969). Khasai
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P. COUTSOUGERA Plural Plural Singul
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P. COUTSOUGERA e.g. [peδja'] *[pe
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P. COUTSOUGERA Tableau 1: Opacity i
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P. COUTSOUGERA As can be seen, in r
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P. COUTSOUGERA 6.1 Selection of the
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P. COUTSOUGERA /alevr-I-a/ Tableau
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P. COUTSOUGERA References Anderson,
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R. INGHAM cognitive deficits. They
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R. INGHAM 2. Subjects and hypothese
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R. INGHAM good as their CA matches
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R. INGHAM representations but also
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R. INGHAM Van der Lely, H., & L. St
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Page 120 and 121: S. KULKARNI Marathi the kin term /m
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Page 124 and 125: S. KULKARNI Bapuji, B.R. (1994).
Page 126 and 127: S. KULKARNI Sastry, J.V. (1993). Re
Page 128 and 129: J. MARSHALL 2. Change versus Resist
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