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Science, Strategy and War The Strategic Theory of ... - Boekje Pienter

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mentally <strong>and</strong> tactically in parallel with the technological (r)evolution, resulted in themassacres <strong>of</strong> the American Civil <strong>War</strong> (1861-1865), the Austro-Prussian <strong>War</strong> (1866), theFranco-Prussian <strong>War</strong> (1870-71), the Boer <strong>War</strong> (1899-1902), the Russo-Japanese <strong>War</strong> (1904-1905) <strong>and</strong> <strong>of</strong> WWI 55 .For Boyd World <strong>War</strong> I is the highlight <strong>of</strong> the attritional style <strong>of</strong> warfare. Here hesees <strong>of</strong>fensives conducted on wide frontages, emphasizing few (rather than many)harmonious yet independent thrust. <strong>The</strong> advance was maintained in an even way to protectflanks <strong>and</strong> to provide artillery support as the advance made headway. Reserves were thrownin whenever an attack was held-up, against regions or points <strong>of</strong> strong resistance. <strong>The</strong>defense was organized in response <strong>of</strong> this type <strong>of</strong> operation. It was organized into depth <strong>of</strong>successive belts <strong>of</strong> fortified terrain. Attackers would be stopped <strong>and</strong> pinned down by massedartillery <strong>and</strong> machine-gun fire. Any ground that would still be lost would be won backthrough counter attacks. <strong>The</strong> predictable result was ‘stagnation <strong>and</strong> enormous attrition sinceadvances were generally made along expected paths <strong>of</strong> hardened resistance which in turnwere dictated by both the dependence upon railroads <strong>and</strong> as well as the choice <strong>of</strong> tactics <strong>of</strong>trying to reduce strong points by massed firepower <strong>and</strong> infantry’ 56 .Boyd thus gave his audience something to think about. First he introduced Sun Tzu(who was relatively unfamiliar in the sixties <strong>and</strong> seventies for most audiences) <strong>and</strong> someother practitioners <strong>of</strong> strategy. <strong>The</strong>se strategists all succeeded not by concentrating largenumbers <strong>of</strong> forces in an attritional battle, but by movement, speed, surprise, variety <strong>and</strong>creating <strong>and</strong> subsequently attacking weaknesses instead <strong>of</strong> enemy strengths. Havingdescribed an ideal type he proceeded criticizing the very masters <strong>of</strong> modern strategic thought<strong>and</strong> practice that have been taught about, <strong>and</strong> have been hailed, in most war colleges in theWest. In effect what he has done implicitly is delivering a fundamental critique <strong>of</strong> thetraditional Western style <strong>of</strong> warfare 57 .After developing this argument, Boyd continued Patterns <strong>of</strong> Conflict with developingthe argument that during Western <strong>War</strong>s in the 20 th century there have been ideas <strong>and</strong>concepts that resembled the Eastern style <strong>of</strong> warfare, <strong>and</strong> which, an important point, hadproduced astounding success. And, interestingly for he wrote this during the Cold <strong>War</strong>, henotes that the founding fathers <strong>of</strong> Communism such as Marx, Lenin <strong>and</strong> Stalin actually havesome important lessons to teach for they too think along the lines <strong>of</strong> Sun Tzu.Rediscovering flexibility. According to Boyd the solution to the enduring stalemate in thetrench-warfare during WW I came in the form <strong>of</strong> infiltration- <strong>and</strong> guerrilla-tactics. And in55 Ibid. Like Fuller in <strong>The</strong> Conduct <strong>of</strong> <strong>War</strong>, after this slide Boyd makes a brief excursion to Marxistrevolutionary thought, noticing however that at this point in his presentation it is not clear howrevolutionary strategy <strong>and</strong> guerilla tactics fit in his argument <strong>and</strong> he tells his audience that this willbecome evident after his discusision <strong>of</strong> WW I.56 Ibid, p.55.57 Boyd basically followed familiar analysis. Still it seems Boyd was willing to oversimplify here, again,probably due to his acceptance <strong>of</strong> Liddell Hart’s views but also to get his message across. However, asAzar Gat has recently convincingly argued, <strong>and</strong> which Michael Howard did before him, there certainlywere genuine efforts, to counter the increased lethality <strong>of</strong> the battlefield. In focussed studies <strong>of</strong> recentmilitary history, in evaluations <strong>of</strong> Clausewitz, through theory formulation <strong>and</strong> through field practice inparticular the influential French lecturers <strong>of</strong> the Ecole de Guerre made serious efforts in this erea.However, due to several problems these efforts did not result in real doctrinal changes in the Frencharmy. See Azar Gat, Military Thought: <strong>The</strong> Nineteenth Century, (1992), in particular chapter 3, <strong>and</strong> MichaelHoward, ‘<strong>The</strong> Influence <strong>of</strong> Clausewitz’, in Clausewitz, On <strong>War</strong>, (1976). For the German efforts in thisvein, <strong>and</strong> a similar corrective message, see Antulio J. Echevarria II, After Clausewitz, German MilitaryThinkers Before the Great <strong>War</strong> (University Press <strong>of</strong> Kansas, 2000).193

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