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Science, Strategy and War The Strategic Theory of ... - Boekje Pienter

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“road maps for action”, but rather ideas operate “all the way down” to actually shape actors<strong>and</strong> action in world politics 68 . When ideas are norms, they not only constrain actors, but alsoconstitute actors <strong>and</strong> enable action’ 69 .And where constructivists focus on state behavior, other post-modern schools <strong>of</strong>international relation theory, like culturalists, focus on factors within a state that shapeforeign policy. This work has shown how state action regarding military force is shaped bybeliefs collectively held by policymakers <strong>and</strong> political elites (strategic culture) <strong>and</strong> by military<strong>of</strong>ficers (organizational culture) 70 . Not only does political <strong>and</strong> organization culture accountfor differences in doctrines, differences in military power or method <strong>of</strong> control <strong>of</strong> militaryforces 71 . This perspective also explains for instance the ‘isomorphic pattern <strong>of</strong> global militarydevelopment – the fact that militaries around the world are organized along remarkablysimilar lines, which is a western model formed during the past two hundred years. Currentlymilitaries attempt to emulate the latest variant <strong>of</strong> this western model – namely the USrevolution in military affairs - because that is considered the image <strong>of</strong> what ‘modern’ means.<strong>The</strong> US military has become a paradigm defining according to military elites what militariesshould look like <strong>and</strong> what constitutes modern military power. In Boydian terms militariesobserve their environment <strong>and</strong> take action when mismatches are observed or opportunitiesfor advantage are recognized from a specific viewpoint on their trade.<strong>The</strong> role <strong>of</strong> language <strong>and</strong> strategic concepts for strategic behavior become evident instudies on nuclear strategy. <strong>The</strong> logic <strong>of</strong> nuclear deterrence, the central element in USnational security policy throughout the Cold <strong>War</strong>, becomes ‘a construction <strong>of</strong> the socialscientist…the strategic analysts <strong>of</strong> the so-called Golden Age created the strategies for theAmerican state. <strong>The</strong>y created the very categories by which the decision makers in the USunderstood the world. It was only after the strategic analysts did their work that the decisionmakers could think <strong>of</strong> the world in terms <strong>of</strong> “assured destruction capabilities”,“vulnerabilities to second strikes”, or “hard target kill capabilities”. <strong>The</strong>se were thetheoretical ideas <strong>of</strong> social scientists, without which US military strategy in the Cold <strong>War</strong>would not have been possible. Those same practitioners <strong>of</strong> strategic studies could then makepredictions about US state action in the context <strong>of</strong> its nuclear strategy, but they werepredicting behavior that was only made possible by the appropriation <strong>of</strong> the strategists’ ownconcepts, which enabled that behavior in the first place’ 72 .<strong>The</strong> relation <strong>of</strong> Boyd <strong>and</strong> post modern security studies also lies in his use <strong>of</strong>complexity theory. Boyd uses a metaphor <strong>and</strong> an approach to study armed forces <strong>and</strong> theirbehavior that have also been applied by post-modern theorists. As was discussed in Chapter5, Boyd regards armed forces as complex adaptive systems <strong>and</strong> uses evolution theory,systems theory, chaos theory, catastrophe theory <strong>and</strong> later complexity theory to underst<strong>and</strong>,68 Alex<strong>and</strong>er Wendt, Social <strong>The</strong>ory <strong>of</strong> International Politics (Cambridge, 1999), pp.92-138.69 Farrell, p.50.70 Ibid, p.53.71 Michael C. Desch, ‘Culture Clash, Assessing the Importance <strong>of</strong> Ideas in Security Studies’,International Security, Vol. 23, No.1 (Summer 1998), pp.142-143. This is a positive yet critical assessment<strong>of</strong> the constructivist’s claims. A consiliary piece arguing for the benefit <strong>of</strong> an eclectic approach toexplain foreign policy outcomes, employing neoliberalism, realism, rationalism alongsideconstructivism, is <strong>of</strong>fered by Peter J. Katzenstein <strong>and</strong> Nobuo Okawara, ‘Japan, Asian-Pacific Security,<strong>and</strong> the Case for Analytic Eclecticism’, International Security, Vol.26.No.3 (Winter 2001/02), pp.153-185.72 Mutimer, p.93. For a elaborate argument about the constructed nature, <strong>and</strong> the role <strong>of</strong> language <strong>and</strong>discourse, <strong>of</strong> US deterrence policy, see also Bradley Klein, <strong>Strategic</strong> Studies <strong>and</strong> World Order: <strong>The</strong> GlobalPolitics <strong>of</strong> Deterrence (Cambridge, 1994).298

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