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Science, Strategy and War The Strategic Theory of ... - Boekje Pienter

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strategic thinking 103 . If so, it was dominated by progress in theoretical notions concerning thethreat <strong>and</strong>/or use <strong>of</strong> nuclear weapons within the context <strong>of</strong> the bi-polar world <strong>and</strong> it wasgolden for those involved in nuclear strategy making. This discourse reflected politicalconcerns in the US concerning international security. Since the Korean <strong>War</strong> the US saw itselfas ‘world policeman dedicated to combating Communism wherever it appeared’ <strong>and</strong> thispolicy culminated in the Vietnam <strong>War</strong>. US defense policy revolved around questionsconcerning nuclear strategy <strong>and</strong> capabilities 104 . Nuclear missions were emphasized <strong>and</strong>conventional weapons <strong>and</strong> training minimized. <strong>Strategic</strong> nuclear forces were considered upto well in the sixties an instrument to prevent war at all levels 105 .Although there was a constant debate concerning the right balance <strong>of</strong> conventional<strong>and</strong> nuclear capabilities, conventional forces were discussed within the context <strong>of</strong> deterrence<strong>and</strong> the debates were mostly focusing on the European theatre, <strong>and</strong> the dominant mode instrategy was one <strong>of</strong> annihilation <strong>of</strong> the enemy 106 . Limited wars (in terms <strong>of</strong> threat <strong>and</strong>interests at stake <strong>and</strong> the overall level <strong>of</strong> national effort required for sustaining the war) suchas the one in Vietnam had only a very limited influence on the orientation <strong>of</strong> the US armedservices when choices had to made concerning system development, acquisitions <strong>and</strong>doctrine 107 .<strong>The</strong> consequence <strong>of</strong> this was a general neglect <strong>of</strong> the operational level <strong>of</strong> war <strong>and</strong>inappropriate military doctrine when faced with North-Vietnamese guerrilla attacks 108 . <strong>The</strong>Vietnam <strong>War</strong> was in that respect a defining experience, revealing the consequences <strong>of</strong> thenation’s previous fixation on nuclear strategy at the expense <strong>of</strong> adequate preparations forconventional war. It provided a wake-up call regarding the kinds <strong>of</strong> defenses the UnitedStates <strong>and</strong> members <strong>of</strong> NATO would have to contend with in configuring themselves for apossible future counter<strong>of</strong>fensive against Soviet <strong>and</strong> <strong>War</strong>saw Pact forces in Central Europe 109 .103 See for instance Ken Booth, ‘<strong>The</strong> Evolution <strong>of</strong> <strong>Strategic</strong> Thinking’, p. 35, in John Baylis, KenBooth, John Garnett <strong>and</strong> Phil Williams, Contemporary <strong>Strategy</strong>, <strong>The</strong>ories <strong>and</strong> Policies, (New York, 1975).104 Larry H. Addington, <strong>The</strong> Patterns <strong>of</strong> <strong>War</strong> Since the Eighteenth Century (Indiana University Press,Bloomington, second edition, 1994), p.290. For a concise discussion <strong>of</strong> nuclear strategy from 1945-1985, see Lawrence Freedman, ‘<strong>The</strong> First Two Generations <strong>of</strong> Nuclear Strategists’, in Peter Paret (ed),Makers <strong>of</strong> Modern <strong>Strategy</strong> (Princeton, NJ, 1986).105 Benjamin Lambeth, <strong>The</strong> Transformation <strong>of</strong> American Air Power, (RAND, Santa Monica, 2000), p.35.106 Russell F. Weighly, <strong>The</strong> American Way <strong>of</strong> <strong>War</strong>, A History <strong>of</strong> United States Military <strong>Strategy</strong> <strong>and</strong> Policy,(MacMillan Publishing Co, New York, 1973) p.476. In Europe US units were stationed to share risk<strong>and</strong> signal commitment, as well as to act as a trigger. <strong>The</strong>y were not expected to hold <strong>of</strong>f a large scaleSoviet invasion with conventional for long, <strong>and</strong> defense plans in the 1960’s did not exceed 90 days <strong>of</strong>conventional fighting. See Phil Williams, ‘United States Defence Policy’, in Baylis, et al (1975), pp.196-206.107 See for instance Andrew Krepinevich, <strong>The</strong> Army <strong>and</strong> Vietnam (Johns Hopkins University Press,Baltimore, 1986), chapter 2; Stephen Peter Rosen, Winning the Next <strong>War</strong>, (Cornell University Press,Ithaca, 1991), chapter 1; Deborak Avant, Political Institutions <strong>and</strong> Military Change, (Cornell UniversityPress, Ithaca, 1994), chapter 3.108 Hallion blames the dominant nuclear strategic discourse for a USAF institutional bias towardsnuclear capabilities, stating that ‘it was in Vietnam that the shortsightedness <strong>of</strong> overemphasizingnuclear war-fighting became most apparent’. <strong>The</strong> USAF, even its tactical component, was gearedtowards a nuclear war. One might have expected that Korea would have demonstrated the fallacy <strong>of</strong>such a one-sided defense orientation, but it was considered an exception. Under the rubric ‘NewLook’ nuclear warfare contingency planning predominated. Valuable experience in air support was lost<strong>and</strong> had to be won the hard way again in Vietnam. See Hallion, pp.15-19.109 Ibid, p.48.67

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