113992242-Dravidian-Settlements-in-Ceylon-and-the-Beginnings-of-the-Kingdom-of-Jaffna-By-Karthigesu-Indrapala-Complete-Phd-Thesis-University-of-London-1965

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143 that out of over seventy records left by them not a single one belonging to the period after the eighth century has been found at Aihoó. The fact that they continued to call themselves the Aififfaruvar of Ayyv4e or Ayyvoe does not necessarily mean that they had their headquarters in that town. There is no etidence to suggest that they had any connection with Ayyvoe alter the eighth century. As we have pointed out earlier, .Ayylv4e appears to have been the town where this mercantile community had its origins. It seems possible, therefore, that the Aifi!flTuvar were originally known as the Aiffuvar of AyyIvoe. Nembers of their community seem to have used this name in the later centuries, too, when they had established themselves in other parts of South India. The occurrence of Ayyvo.e in their name seems , therefre, to be a reminder of their place of origin rather than a reference to their headquarters. Their practice of calling many of the new places where they established themselves as Southern Ayyvoes (TerTh or Dakia Ayylv4e) also shows that they considered Ayyvoe to be their original home Further there is no evidence 1. Cf., The Ki BrI1' maas and the Tillai BrThmaas called themselves so even when they were settled in places other than Ki and Tillai respectively.
144 to suggest that there was any kind of communication between AyyIvoe and the other places where the Aififf1ruvar were found. Ayylv4e seems té have declined as a centre of their activity before the tenth century, when we begin to get their records in other places. There is also no evidence to support the hypothesis that the AiIflUruvar were a single unified corporation of merchants. The application to the Aiflflh!uvar of the terms 'corporation' and 'guild' appears to be rather UfljflBtified. It seems more appropriate to cal]. them a community of merchants with common origin, interests and beliefs. They were all bound together by the Banafiju Dharma3 which they claimed to follow There is no evidence of any other fora of bond, administrative or otherwise, between them. There is little evidence regarding any definite organization in their community. An official called Paaa-svimi is met with in most of their inscriptions. But be appears as the head of a mercantile town who took part in the meetings of the Aiflffruvar as well as of other mercantile bodies It is, therefore, difficult to decide whther he was an official of the Aiflfi71uvar or the head of a town acknowledged I. EC., VIII, p. 89 of the text. 2. E.C., VII, Inscription No. 9k from Shikarpur TV.uq.
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MAP SHOWING SITES c_ ( •M• . N
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2 ABSTRACT This thesis is a study o
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4 COTES Page Abstract . . Acknowled
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6 INIRODUCT ION In this work we hav
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8 on this subject is Simon Casie Ch
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10 Unlike the earlier works, Ancien
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12 begins abruptly with the reign o
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14 of the survival of earlier inhab
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16 these were all writtem after the
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18 based his work on the Vaiypal, K
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Ndav4a inscription, dated in the th
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22 determination of the nature of s
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This is especially so regarding the
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26 in culture and language, althoug
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28 to derive the forms Tja and Iam
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30 His third argument is that 'hund
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the Tamil poems cannot be identifie
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34 port is named }Iodouttou The pre
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Our sources undoubtedly indicate th
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38 evidence of the Pli chronicles s
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first century B.0 Although the Mahv
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42 It is as unreliable as the many
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44 concerning any Dravidian settlem
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form of a bounding circle or dolmen
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48 though lesser known, ports of Ku
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vicinity This means that all the ot
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52 defeated the Sinhalese ruler and
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54 influence of the Pallava school
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56 on the 1fahvasa, states that thi
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58 1na 'had the Damias expel1ed' Bu
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to the existence of minor Tamil set
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asentents These aiva ruins of Anurd
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64 to have been an institution of t
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66 or citizens who were members of
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68 that lived in this quarter on th
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70 the term Dem4-kblla to mean 'an
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72 conferred on certain officiala o
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.74 body of indirect evidence, it m
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76 suggest that there were Dravidia
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7r chronicle. That by the tenth cen
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80 India did not consider Ceylon as
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82 b4 with the Xi4igani of the abov
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84 CHAPTER II SL'rTLENTS IN THE PER
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86 arrive at more than what has bee
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88 struggle that went on between th
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90 That Vijayablhu did not have any
Page 93 and 94: 92 large number of Tamil inscriptio
Page 95 and 96: 94 as well as the pariyclrakar, the
Page 97 and 98: 96 peninsula and three are in the K
Page 99 and 100: 98 of a 6trong civilian population
Page 101 and 102: 100 at Periyak4am. With this possib
Page 103 and 104: of certain taxes for the coat of th
Page 105 and 106: 104 ndra-ca-pi and the cakra-ptyr w
Page 107 and 108: 106 The gifts were made by several
Page 109 and 110: 108 the gift a 1_' by a certain Ara
Page 111 and 112: 110 of the year 1067, mentions a pe
Page 113 and 114: 112 a-ma4alam, to the temple of Kut
Page 115 and 116: 114 set up by officials do not nece
Page 117 and 118: About ten Siva Dv1es, five Viu temp
Page 119 and 120: at Nalla-t ai-iakkam, Buddhannehe l
Page 121 and 122: 120 of the tenth century was built
Page 123 and 124: 122 supports him by stating that 't
Page 125 and 126: 124 are known from the Ca inscripti
Page 127 and 128: 126 Pli Pulattbinagara), Koiy'rain1
Page 129 and 130: 128 They reveal the presence of Tam
Page 131 and 132: 130 in provisionally marking those
Page 133 and 134: 132 to temples for the performance
Page 135 and 136: Ceylon This period, therefore, sees
Page 137 and 138: 136 to them or to their associate b
Page 139 and 140: 138 therefore, date back to about t
Page 141 and 142: 140 on the interpretations of the t
Page 143: 142 There was also a community of B
Page 147 and 148: 146 The AifffhIruvar were primarily
Page 149 and 150: 145 that all these bodies were orga
Page 151 and 152: 150 suggest the nature of the work
Page 153 and 154: 152 between the Valafljiyar and the
Page 155 and 156: the 1a1r,rattir as one of their lea
Page 157 and 158: 153 three lines of this inscription
Page 159 and 160: 158 local and a foreign group. But
Page 161 and 162: 160 to in the V 1kala and VihirhThn
Page 163 and 164: As pointed out earlier, the period
Page 165 and 166: 164 e) Tiru-ciila-aikkrar (Taniil t
Page 167 and 168: 166 been a aikkra (Pii V.akkr& may
Page 169 and 170: 168 Among the other sections of the
Page 171 and 172: 170 inscription, an official who ha
Page 173 and 174: 172 status and was used for individ
Page 175 and 176: the Ker4a and ica4ia mercenaries in
Page 177 and 178: 1(0 three wings, we are unable at p
Page 179 and 180: 178 army is said to have been 2, 11
Page 181 and 182: 180 of the southern Maavars' In Cey
Page 183 and 184: 182 general of Parkramabhu I who co
Page 185 and 186: 184 year of a ParkramabThu, who is
Page 187 and 188: 186 South Indian artisans found emp
Page 189 and 190: 188 of South India, especially in t
Page 191 and 192: 190 have been a Blow and unnoticed
Page 193 and 194: 192 Even these minor movements of p
Page 195 and 196:
194 evidence of the epigraphs help
Page 197 and 198:
196 from ruined Buddhist buildings
Page 199 and 200:
The evidence relating to this perio
Page 201 and 202:
200 inscription we find that the Vi
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that we get the earliest occurrence
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204 where this inscription is found
Page 207 and 208:
206 around the twelfth century the
Page 209 and 210:
208 consecration name of Ciica..ka-
Page 211 and 212:
210 ut from its occurrences in the
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It is not probable that all these w
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214 We also learn that the site of
Page 217 and 218:
216 communities were Tamils, for it
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218 te pie, have been definitely id
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in the area which point in the same
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settlements here in the period of C
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224 About a mile away from Kanadarv
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22 at Polonnaruva As a result we ar
Page 229 and 230:
228 Nakarattr were probably of Kann
Page 231 and 232:
23 wars against the Cas and had the
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232 were Tamils. Presumably this pa
Page 235 and 236:
234 not established in the Battical
Page 237 and 238:
23U CHAPTER IV STTLEHENTS IN THE TH
Page 239 and 240:
The first important feature of this
Page 241 and 242:
240 called Sasa vata, composed in t
Page 243 and 244:
242 record, the general Iti repelle
Page 245 and 246:
244 The conquest of northern Ceylon
Page 247 and 248:
The CUavaida account of the invasio
Page 249 and 250:
Almost inimediatel after the stroph
Page 251 and 252:
250 when the author of the Clavaisa
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established himself at Polonnaruva,
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254 there is no gainsaying the fact
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importance of the foreign invasions
Page 259 and 260:
258 and that the majority of the Si
Page 261 and 262:
260 were among the more iportant re
Page 263 and 264:
262 In Paranavitana's opinion, 'all
Page 265 and 266:
264 One could suppose that the nume
Page 267 and 268:
It may be recollected that several
Page 269 and 270:
268 Jaffna peninsula does not help
Page 271 and 272:
It is not possible to identify the
Page 273 and 274:
1 establishment in the region in ea
Page 275 and 276:
274 anywhere. This poses a serious
Page 277 and 278:
27 who were responsible for giving
Page 279 and 280:
worthy of note in this respect: 278
Page 281 and 282:
280 etymology The account of the se
Page 283 and 284:
and tenth century some villages in
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materials for the erection of lasti
Page 287 and 288:
28G much depreciated as a result of
Page 289 and 290:
288 etymology which attempts to exp
Page 291 and 292:
290 earlier traditions from the lat
Page 293 and 294:
9Q9 Those who went to the island in
Page 295 and 296:
The accounts in the Vaiy!pal and th
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29 The Naavaryar (variant: Mauvarya
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29 that all these castes were repre
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300 These were evidently named afte
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from Kpakanu and Pu.ya-inakIpla-ppa
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301 in our sources. In view of such
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3OGo. Province, the chieftaincies o
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307 In l9kl Geiger published an int
Page 311 and 312:
309 Arier in bewu ten Gegensatz zu
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311 include in their enumeration. P
Page 315 and 316:
313 of warriors or tribesmen who we
Page 317 and 318:
315 of Ceylon. It is even possible
Page 319 and 320:
317 In Ceylon, the earliest work in
Page 321 and 322:
319 C!1avasa. Though at first sight
Page 323 and 324:
321 of Vannis, namely the }iaha-van
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The Vaiyars of the nineteenth centu
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32 came into existence independentl
Page 329 and 330:
In the sources mentioned above Ku.a
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(c) Co4agai a of the Trincomalee Sa
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331 and aspired to the kingship of
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333 enemies had led punitive raids
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335 alias Co.agafiga whds mention i
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337 with not only the renovation of
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33) In the light of the evidence th
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31 Sinhalese settlements that once
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343 According to the Kcar-kalveu, K
Page 347 and 348:
345 Malaiyakam, T4uvai, Toaimatalam
Page 349 and 350:
347 Ppla Kttiram (Bh' la Gotra) and
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34J Ukkiraciñka, , as it ap ears i
Page 353 and 354:
351 as Kantajy, Pakai and Carnpl!r
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353 in the chronicles of Trincomale
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35 va (chieftaincies) may be based
Page 359 and 360:
357 Probably Ki4akkan and possibly
Page 361 and 362:
35 settle ents of Dravidians that s
Page 363 and 364:
361 Ceylon by the Dravidians was no
Page 365 and 366:
1 . structures. A door-jamb from on
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1 to the Tamil population, as in Ja
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36/ Chaggxna (Skmam)finda mention i
Page 371 and 372:
369 The Ker4a origin of this caste
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meanjn mariners or boatmen As a sea
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narrated in the Vaiy and the Vaiypa
Page 377 and 378:
375 presence of Ilukkuva mercenarie
Page 379 and 380:
37' the rest. Consequently we are n
Page 381 and 382:
37 xniyam, the Xaliñga ruler (!gha
Page 383 and 384:
This tradition seems to refer to a
Page 385 and 386:
383 year 512 (2590 .c.) and underto
Page 387 and 388:
385 (Mugwiuvaavana), Villattavai (V
Page 389 and 390:
with Nu&varam in order to give it a
Page 391 and 392:
egion may have been forced to chang
Page 393 and 394:
391 The wi e rea occurrence of Tami
Page 395 and 396:
393 used in the inscription for 'wo
Page 397 and 398:
From the foregoing analysis it beco
Page 399 and 400:
Marumakkattyarn laws of Kera.a and
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399 CHAP!ER VI THE BEGINNINGS OF TH
Page 403 and 404:
401 part of the ia].and in the four
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aside these arguments and shown tha
Page 407 and 408:
405 as well are baaed on the errone
Page 409 and 410:
the account of Ku!aa in some of the
Page 411 and 412:
409 resembles in many ways the lion
Page 413 and 414:
411 bhildren, a son and a daughter.
Page 415 and 416:
413 and the avvaiapva-ifl!lai. In t
Page 417 and 418:
and obtained the arid peninsula of
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derivation of the name and that is
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ecently, there oceurs the name Subh
Page 423 and 424:
This statement is evidently due to
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the basis of certain references in
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d2 Vra-ca1nika, (Ka1ifikar-ma - Kin
Page 429 and 430:
427 the inscription. Similarly, the
Page 431 and 432:
429 P11 chronicle deals mainly with
Page 433 and 434:
431 an island off the peninsula of
Page 435 and 436:
433 been suggested that this may be
Page 437 and 438:
435 obliged to abandon it ' This wo
Page 439 and 440:
43? This is not quite convincing. D
Page 441 and 442:
439 and driven away from the Sinhal
Page 443 and 444:
441 is meant for those who were acc
Page 445 and 446:
443 almost always in poetry, for a
Page 447 and 448:
445 The text of this inscription fr
Page 449 and 450:
447 1vaka to be accused of having b
Page 451 and 452:
have been active in Ceylon in the t
Page 453 and 454:
451 inscriptions regarding the even
Page 455 and 456:
453 Paranavitana takes JAvagama to
Page 457 and 458:
455 No one would say that the latte
Page 459 and 460:
457 If, as we have suggested earlie
Page 461 and 462:
1 the T mi1 chronicles. 459 1. In h
Page 463 and 464:
,.&+ra k.'ro Nia-sagrahaya and the
Page 465 and 466:
a Ca prince named lit'iki riya, wen
Page 467 and 468:
463 The conclusion that Vicaym 1ci
Page 469 and 470:
467 denote some connection with the
Page 471 and 472:
463 nothing is known about this cit
Page 473 and 474:
471 before 1262. As we know, betwee
Page 475 and 476:
These invaders could not be ousted
Page 477 and 478:
473 given protection to the new kin
Page 479 and 480:
CHAPTER VII 477 THE BEGINNflGS OP T
Page 481 and 482:
479 The astronomical details in the
Page 483 and 484:
481 Pya I, began his rule in 115 an
Page 485 and 486:
483 Of these six inscriptions, four
Page 487 and 488:
485 Their inscriptions are not foun
Page 489 and 490:
48? produced in Jaffna, the ancesto
Page 491 and 492:
489 Ramnad who, as the ally of the
Page 493 and 494:
491 Izvaram a sect of Brhm{ns calle
Page 495 and 496:
493 the 7katTya kingdom by the Musl
Page 497 and 498:
aii2rir.ii pairuvarai varavalaittu)
Page 499 and 500:
497 very early tim.e We see, theref
Page 501 and 502:
"4- found in his workAaeema to b•
Page 503 and 504:
501 rTraAgam All these ryae of the
Page 505 and 506:
503 Te 1c!iRi tluk, in the Tinn.v.1
Page 507 and 508:
505 people from ya-nZu These settle
Page 509 and 510:
nearly ten years after the date of
Page 511 and 512:
509 attempting to seize power. Do Q
Page 513 and 514:
511 was the case, the invasion of I
Page 515 and 516:
513 to historians as the kingdom of
Page 517 and 518:
51 and !I.ppam for the kingdoms of
Page 519 and 520:
51? Ma4arial is a compound of two w
Page 521 and 522:
519 also seen that the aa of the in
Page 523 and 524:
521 Dem4a-paaji.ma (Tamil Port) was
Page 525 and 526:
Jafana-en-putalain as a variant of
Page 527 and 528:
525 the island, it was Na11Lr that
Page 529 and 530:
527 does not state whether he was a
Page 531 and 532:
529 But till very recently there wa
Page 533 and 534:
531 that CiA1t2ink,r and flpipafuna
Page 535 and 536:
533 to the use of the vT4 flag in C
Page 537 and 538:
535 which (lands) end in the River
Page 539 and 540:
537 Mracci-r4a has been identified
Page 541 and 542:
539 be subordinate territories of i
Page 543 and 544:
541 kingdom marks the cul mination
Page 545 and 546:
543 in the island in this period. T
Page 547 and 548:
545 the invasions of )!gba and the
Page 549 and 550:
541 of the thirteenth century favou
Page 551 and 552:
549 A SELT BIBLIOGRAPUT A, Tami]. I
Page 553 and 554:
551 15. PLTva1iya, ed. A.V.Suravira
Page 555 and 556:
553 IV. Modern Works (Articles on e
Page 557 and 558:
555 2k. Indrapa].a, Karthigesu 'The
Page 559 and 560:
557 k8. Paranavitana, Senarat (cont
Page 561 and 562:
559 57. Taylor, William, Catalowue
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113992242-Dravidian-Settlements-in-Ceylon-and-the-Beginnings-of-the-Kingdom-of-Jaffna-By-Karthigesu-Indrapala-Complete-Phd-Thesis-University-of-London-1965

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