113992242-Dravidian-Settlements-in-Ceylon-and-the-Beginnings-of-the-Kingdom-of-Jaffna-By-Karthigesu-Indrapala-Complete-Phd-Thesis-University-of-London-1965

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dOG There is, however, not the slightest evidence for a line of 1iñga rulers in Jaffna in this period Besides, as we shall see presently, the legend of UkkiracifLka éannot ha relied upon or the history of the northern kingdom. While rejecting the chronèlogical baeis of the account of 1Jkkiracifka,, Paranavitana has attempted to identify this personage with Cifikakuzzra of the car-alveu According to him, 'if we call have faith in the legend given in the !car-kalvetu, the lion-faced king, Ukkirac1-ikp or Ci 1'1k9kun1rafl, may be taken to have flourished about the same time as Igha, whether be was identical with the latter or not' By making such a statement be does not seem to have much doubt about the historicity of UkkiraciAka. But the authenticity of he whole account o Ukkiracfi1,, as it appears in the Tamil chronicles, is questionable. We have already briefly pointed out that the story of Ukktrac{ik and. his queen ?rutappiravalli is based on the Vifaya legend and has also certain elements borrowed from folk-etymology. It has also been indicated that there is a confusion between the legend of Ukkirac1ik#p and 1. S.Paranavitana, 'The Lrya ingdorn of North Ceylon', p. 186. 2. Ibid., p. 191. 3. Ibid.
the account of Ku!aa in some of the Tamil chronicles 407 Here we shall digress a little to show why the story of Ukkracizka, has to be treated as just another of the popular versions of the Vijaya legend. The story appears in different versions in six of the Taniil chronicles, namely the ppa-vaipava-mlai, a t akk4appu-nmiyam , Tri-1c.c ala-pitham, !c ar-kalve u, Vaiyptal and the Kailyan1lai. It has hardly any historical foundation and is clearly based on the Vigjaya legend. It appears that the Vijaya legend found its way into the historical tradition of the Tamils in this garbled version through the residents of the northern regions who in course of time became assimilated to the Taini]. population. The striking resemblances that one finds between the UkiraciMr story and the story of SithabThu as given in the Pli and Sinhalese sources cannot be explained as mere coincidences. The different versions of the story reveal the stages by which the story of Si4tiabhu became transformed into that of Uracika. The a-v&ipava-n1lai has the following version of the story Ukkiracifika,, a prince of the line of Vijaya'a 1. See supra, pp.337f•. 2. pp. 13-22.
Page 1 and 2:
MAP SHOWING SITES c_ ( •M• . N
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2 ABSTRACT This thesis is a study o
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4 COTES Page Abstract . . Acknowled
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6 INIRODUCT ION In this work we hav
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8 on this subject is Simon Casie Ch
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10 Unlike the earlier works, Ancien
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12 begins abruptly with the reign o
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14 of the survival of earlier inhab
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16 these were all writtem after the
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18 based his work on the Vaiypal, K
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Ndav4a inscription, dated in the th
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22 determination of the nature of s
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This is especially so regarding the
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26 in culture and language, althoug
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28 to derive the forms Tja and Iam
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30 His third argument is that 'hund
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the Tamil poems cannot be identifie
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34 port is named }Iodouttou The pre
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Our sources undoubtedly indicate th
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38 evidence of the Pli chronicles s
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first century B.0 Although the Mahv
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42 It is as unreliable as the many
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44 concerning any Dravidian settlem
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form of a bounding circle or dolmen
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48 though lesser known, ports of Ku
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vicinity This means that all the ot
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52 defeated the Sinhalese ruler and
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54 influence of the Pallava school
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56 on the 1fahvasa, states that thi
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58 1na 'had the Damias expel1ed' Bu
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to the existence of minor Tamil set
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asentents These aiva ruins of Anurd
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64 to have been an institution of t
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66 or citizens who were members of
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68 that lived in this quarter on th
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70 the term Dem4-kblla to mean 'an
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72 conferred on certain officiala o
Page 75 and 76:
.74 body of indirect evidence, it m
Page 77 and 78:
76 suggest that there were Dravidia
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7r chronicle. That by the tenth cen
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80 India did not consider Ceylon as
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82 b4 with the Xi4igani of the abov
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84 CHAPTER II SL'rTLENTS IN THE PER
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86 arrive at more than what has bee
Page 89 and 90:
88 struggle that went on between th
Page 91 and 92:
90 That Vijayablhu did not have any
Page 93 and 94:
92 large number of Tamil inscriptio
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94 as well as the pariyclrakar, the
Page 97 and 98:
96 peninsula and three are in the K
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98 of a 6trong civilian population
Page 101 and 102:
100 at Periyak4am. With this possib
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of certain taxes for the coat of th
Page 105 and 106:
104 ndra-ca-pi and the cakra-ptyr w
Page 107 and 108:
106 The gifts were made by several
Page 109 and 110:
108 the gift a 1_' by a certain Ara
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110 of the year 1067, mentions a pe
Page 113 and 114:
112 a-ma4alam, to the temple of Kut
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114 set up by officials do not nece
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About ten Siva Dv1es, five Viu temp
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at Nalla-t ai-iakkam, Buddhannehe l
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120 of the tenth century was built
Page 123 and 124:
122 supports him by stating that 't
Page 125 and 126:
124 are known from the Ca inscripti
Page 127 and 128:
126 Pli Pulattbinagara), Koiy'rain1
Page 129 and 130:
128 They reveal the presence of Tam
Page 131 and 132:
130 in provisionally marking those
Page 133 and 134:
132 to temples for the performance
Page 135 and 136:
Ceylon This period, therefore, sees
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136 to them or to their associate b
Page 139 and 140:
138 therefore, date back to about t
Page 141 and 142:
140 on the interpretations of the t
Page 143 and 144:
142 There was also a community of B
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144 to suggest that there was any k
Page 147 and 148:
146 The AifffhIruvar were primarily
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145 that all these bodies were orga
Page 151 and 152:
150 suggest the nature of the work
Page 153 and 154:
152 between the Valafljiyar and the
Page 155 and 156:
the 1a1r,rattir as one of their lea
Page 157 and 158:
153 three lines of this inscription
Page 159 and 160:
158 local and a foreign group. But
Page 161 and 162:
160 to in the V 1kala and VihirhThn
Page 163 and 164:
As pointed out earlier, the period
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164 e) Tiru-ciila-aikkrar (Taniil t
Page 167 and 168:
166 been a aikkra (Pii V.akkr& may
Page 169 and 170:
168 Among the other sections of the
Page 171 and 172:
170 inscription, an official who ha
Page 173 and 174:
172 status and was used for individ
Page 175 and 176:
the Ker4a and ica4ia mercenaries in
Page 177 and 178:
1(0 three wings, we are unable at p
Page 179 and 180:
178 army is said to have been 2, 11
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180 of the southern Maavars' In Cey
Page 183 and 184:
182 general of Parkramabhu I who co
Page 185 and 186:
184 year of a ParkramabThu, who is
Page 187 and 188:
186 South Indian artisans found emp
Page 189 and 190:
188 of South India, especially in t
Page 191 and 192:
190 have been a Blow and unnoticed
Page 193 and 194:
192 Even these minor movements of p
Page 195 and 196:
194 evidence of the epigraphs help
Page 197 and 198:
196 from ruined Buddhist buildings
Page 199 and 200:
The evidence relating to this perio
Page 201 and 202:
200 inscription we find that the Vi
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that we get the earliest occurrence
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204 where this inscription is found
Page 207 and 208:
206 around the twelfth century the
Page 209 and 210:
208 consecration name of Ciica..ka-
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210 ut from its occurrences in the
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It is not probable that all these w
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214 We also learn that the site of
Page 217 and 218:
216 communities were Tamils, for it
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218 te pie, have been definitely id
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in the area which point in the same
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settlements here in the period of C
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224 About a mile away from Kanadarv
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22 at Polonnaruva As a result we ar
Page 229 and 230:
228 Nakarattr were probably of Kann
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23 wars against the Cas and had the
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232 were Tamils. Presumably this pa
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234 not established in the Battical
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23U CHAPTER IV STTLEHENTS IN THE TH
Page 239 and 240:
The first important feature of this
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240 called Sasa vata, composed in t
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242 record, the general Iti repelle
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244 The conquest of northern Ceylon
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The CUavaida account of the invasio
Page 249 and 250:
Almost inimediatel after the stroph
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250 when the author of the Clavaisa
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established himself at Polonnaruva,
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254 there is no gainsaying the fact
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importance of the foreign invasions
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258 and that the majority of the Si
Page 261 and 262:
260 were among the more iportant re
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262 In Paranavitana's opinion, 'all
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264 One could suppose that the nume
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It may be recollected that several
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268 Jaffna peninsula does not help
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It is not possible to identify the
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1 establishment in the region in ea
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274 anywhere. This poses a serious
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27 who were responsible for giving
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worthy of note in this respect: 278
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280 etymology The account of the se
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and tenth century some villages in
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materials for the erection of lasti
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28G much depreciated as a result of
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288 etymology which attempts to exp
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290 earlier traditions from the lat
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9Q9 Those who went to the island in
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The accounts in the Vaiy!pal and th
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29 The Naavaryar (variant: Mauvarya
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29 that all these castes were repre
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300 These were evidently named afte
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from Kpakanu and Pu.ya-inakIpla-ppa
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301 in our sources. In view of such
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3OGo. Province, the chieftaincies o
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307 In l9kl Geiger published an int
Page 311 and 312:
309 Arier in bewu ten Gegensatz zu
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311 include in their enumeration. P
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313 of warriors or tribesmen who we
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315 of Ceylon. It is even possible
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317 In Ceylon, the earliest work in
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319 C!1avasa. Though at first sight
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321 of Vannis, namely the }iaha-van
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The Vaiyars of the nineteenth centu
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32 came into existence independentl
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In the sources mentioned above Ku.a
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(c) Co4agai a of the Trincomalee Sa
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331 and aspired to the kingship of
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333 enemies had led punitive raids
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335 alias Co.agafiga whds mention i
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337 with not only the renovation of
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33) In the light of the evidence th
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31 Sinhalese settlements that once
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343 According to the Kcar-kalveu, K
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345 Malaiyakam, T4uvai, Toaimatalam
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347 Ppla Kttiram (Bh' la Gotra) and
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34J Ukkiraciñka, , as it ap ears i
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351 as Kantajy, Pakai and Carnpl!r
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353 in the chronicles of Trincomale
Page 357 and 358: 35 va (chieftaincies) may be based
Page 359 and 360: 357 Probably Ki4akkan and possibly
Page 361 and 362: 35 settle ents of Dravidians that s
Page 363 and 364: 361 Ceylon by the Dravidians was no
Page 365 and 366: 1 . structures. A door-jamb from on
Page 367 and 368: 1 to the Tamil population, as in Ja
Page 369 and 370: 36/ Chaggxna (Skmam)finda mention i
Page 371 and 372: 369 The Ker4a origin of this caste
Page 373 and 374: meanjn mariners or boatmen As a sea
Page 375 and 376: narrated in the Vaiy and the Vaiypa
Page 377 and 378: 375 presence of Ilukkuva mercenarie
Page 379 and 380: 37' the rest. Consequently we are n
Page 381 and 382: 37 xniyam, the Xaliñga ruler (!gha
Page 383 and 384: This tradition seems to refer to a
Page 385 and 386: 383 year 512 (2590 .c.) and underto
Page 387 and 388: 385 (Mugwiuvaavana), Villattavai (V
Page 389 and 390: with Nu&varam in order to give it a
Page 391 and 392: egion may have been forced to chang
Page 393 and 394: 391 The wi e rea occurrence of Tami
Page 395 and 396: 393 used in the inscription for 'wo
Page 397 and 398: From the foregoing analysis it beco
Page 399 and 400: Marumakkattyarn laws of Kera.a and
Page 401 and 402: 399 CHAP!ER VI THE BEGINNINGS OF TH
Page 403 and 404: 401 part of the ia].and in the four
Page 405 and 406: aside these arguments and shown tha
Page 407: 405 as well are baaed on the errone
Page 411 and 412: 409 resembles in many ways the lion
Page 413 and 414: 411 bhildren, a son and a daughter.
Page 415 and 416: 413 and the avvaiapva-ifl!lai. In t
Page 417 and 418: and obtained the arid peninsula of
Page 419 and 420: derivation of the name and that is
Page 421 and 422: ecently, there oceurs the name Subh
Page 423 and 424: This statement is evidently due to
Page 425 and 426: the basis of certain references in
Page 427 and 428: d2 Vra-ca1nika, (Ka1ifikar-ma - Kin
Page 429 and 430: 427 the inscription. Similarly, the
Page 431 and 432: 429 P11 chronicle deals mainly with
Page 433 and 434: 431 an island off the peninsula of
Page 435 and 436: 433 been suggested that this may be
Page 437 and 438: 435 obliged to abandon it ' This wo
Page 439 and 440: 43? This is not quite convincing. D
Page 441 and 442: 439 and driven away from the Sinhal
Page 443 and 444: 441 is meant for those who were acc
Page 445 and 446: 443 almost always in poetry, for a
Page 447 and 448: 445 The text of this inscription fr
Page 449 and 450: 447 1vaka to be accused of having b
Page 451 and 452: have been active in Ceylon in the t
Page 453 and 454: 451 inscriptions regarding the even
Page 455 and 456: 453 Paranavitana takes JAvagama to
Page 457 and 458: 455 No one would say that the latte
Page 459 and 460:
457 If, as we have suggested earlie
Page 461 and 462:
1 the T mi1 chronicles. 459 1. In h
Page 463 and 464:
,.&+ra k.'ro Nia-sagrahaya and the
Page 465 and 466:
a Ca prince named lit'iki riya, wen
Page 467 and 468:
463 The conclusion that Vicaym 1ci
Page 469 and 470:
467 denote some connection with the
Page 471 and 472:
463 nothing is known about this cit
Page 473 and 474:
471 before 1262. As we know, betwee
Page 475 and 476:
These invaders could not be ousted
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473 given protection to the new kin
Page 479 and 480:
CHAPTER VII 477 THE BEGINNflGS OP T
Page 481 and 482:
479 The astronomical details in the
Page 483 and 484:
481 Pya I, began his rule in 115 an
Page 485 and 486:
483 Of these six inscriptions, four
Page 487 and 488:
485 Their inscriptions are not foun
Page 489 and 490:
48? produced in Jaffna, the ancesto
Page 491 and 492:
489 Ramnad who, as the ally of the
Page 493 and 494:
491 Izvaram a sect of Brhm{ns calle
Page 495 and 496:
493 the 7katTya kingdom by the Musl
Page 497 and 498:
aii2rir.ii pairuvarai varavalaittu)
Page 499 and 500:
497 very early tim.e We see, theref
Page 501 and 502:
"4- found in his workAaeema to b•
Page 503 and 504:
501 rTraAgam All these ryae of the
Page 505 and 506:
503 Te 1c!iRi tluk, in the Tinn.v.1
Page 507 and 508:
505 people from ya-nZu These settle
Page 509 and 510:
nearly ten years after the date of
Page 511 and 512:
509 attempting to seize power. Do Q
Page 513 and 514:
511 was the case, the invasion of I
Page 515 and 516:
513 to historians as the kingdom of
Page 517 and 518:
51 and !I.ppam for the kingdoms of
Page 519 and 520:
51? Ma4arial is a compound of two w
Page 521 and 522:
519 also seen that the aa of the in
Page 523 and 524:
521 Dem4a-paaji.ma (Tamil Port) was
Page 525 and 526:
Jafana-en-putalain as a variant of
Page 527 and 528:
525 the island, it was Na11Lr that
Page 529 and 530:
527 does not state whether he was a
Page 531 and 532:
529 But till very recently there wa
Page 533 and 534:
531 that CiA1t2ink,r and flpipafuna
Page 535 and 536:
533 to the use of the vT4 flag in C
Page 537 and 538:
535 which (lands) end in the River
Page 539 and 540:
537 Mracci-r4a has been identified
Page 541 and 542:
539 be subordinate territories of i
Page 543 and 544:
541 kingdom marks the cul mination
Page 545 and 546:
543 in the island in this period. T
Page 547 and 548:
545 the invasions of )!gba and the
Page 549 and 550:
541 of the thirteenth century favou
Page 551 and 552:
549 A SELT BIBLIOGRAPUT A, Tami]. I
Page 553 and 554:
551 15. PLTva1iya, ed. A.V.Suravira
Page 555 and 556:
553 IV. Modern Works (Articles on e
Page 557 and 558:
555 2k. Indrapa].a, Karthigesu 'The
Page 559 and 560:
557 k8. Paranavitana, Senarat (cont
Page 561 and 562:
559 57. Taylor, William, Catalowue
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113992242-Dravidian-Settlements-in-Ceylon-and-the-Beginnings-of-the-Kingdom-of-Jaffna-By-Karthigesu-Indrapala-Complete-Phd-Thesis-University-of-London-1965

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