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Notes to Chapter 4<br />

1 Several <strong>of</strong> the German and a limited number <strong>of</strong> the English gatherings were centred around<br />

Raclette grills. This is essentially table top version <strong>of</strong> an electric barbecue. Between 2 and 6<br />

people sit together cooking food in small 'pans' under the grill. I discovered this in Germany but<br />

purchased one for England. The sociable effect was much the same as in the German setting -<br />

as guests wait for their culinary creations to cook heightened levels <strong>of</strong> chat quickly develop<br />

amongst participants, with the omni-present possibility <strong>of</strong> having to check that one's food isn't<br />

burning <strong>of</strong>fering a legitimate activity switch if conversation dries up.<br />

2 Those gatherings that were recorded in my own home consisted <strong>of</strong> persons whom I had<br />

invited. I assumed the normal role <strong>of</strong> host, and therefore selected on that basis persons who I<br />

would normally invite, irrespective <strong>of</strong> whether I was recording or not. It cannot be denied<br />

however, that the need to obtain recordings did have at some influence on my motivation in<br />

organising and attending some <strong>of</strong> the gatherings in both cultures. *<br />

31 have provided what I regard as the predominant relational details here (e. g. primary<br />

relationships such as husband - wife, brother - sister, or if no other relationship exists between<br />

any two participants, friend - friend).<br />

4 The actual recordings process appeared prima facie unproblematic at the outset <strong>of</strong> this<br />

investigation. However, the technical contingencies being able to gather data suitable for the<br />

type <strong>of</strong> analysis that I intended to carry out came to occupy a considerable amount <strong>of</strong> my time in<br />

the initial part <strong>of</strong> the data collection phase.<br />

51 avoided using an 'auto-reverse' function found on most tape recorders today. As I intended<br />

to leave the tape running for several hours I did not want the same tape re-recording on side A<br />

upon coming to the end <strong>of</strong> side B. The Sony had an alarm which signified the end <strong>of</strong> a side with<br />

a beep, although this itself presented another set <strong>of</strong> problems during the recording stage (see<br />

sec. 4.4).<br />

r' The PZM mike was used in settings where participants were 'mobile' and were moving nearer<br />

to and further from the mike, for example, when a host(ess) would take a turn at talk with her<br />

into the kitchen to retrieve food or utensils, or in garden settings where participants were more<br />

physically mobile in general. In such instances, the boundary on the mike'expanded' to include<br />

such talk.<br />

7 The button mike was used when I decided that the presence <strong>of</strong> the boundary mike (larger and<br />

more obtrusive) would interfere with the interaction so as to disrupt it.<br />

8 Re-chargeable batteries emit a 1.25 v. charge compared to the 1.5 v in standard non-<br />

rechargeable batteries. The lower voltage can and did on occasion cause malfunctioning <strong>of</strong><br />

recording equipment.<br />

9 The relationship between and complementary uses <strong>of</strong> ethnographic and conversation analytic<br />

approaches to cultural analysis is comprehensively explored in Hopper (1990/91) to which the<br />

reader is directed for a more thorough discussion than can be afforded here.<br />

10 There is a problem here in that reader will know my surname, therefore my wife's surname<br />

and then possibly - by looking at participants relational details provided in parts <strong>of</strong> the thesis -<br />

be able to work out participant's identities. I am hoping that the chances <strong>of</strong> this happening, and<br />

the desire on the readers to go through this process will be so minimal as to not threaten the<br />

ethical integrity <strong>of</strong> the study.<br />

11 1 reconstruct my general line from memory here as, by definition, permission seeking<br />

lTisodes took e<br />

place before the tape recorder was running.<br />

1 Requests have perhaps received more study for their face implications than any other speech<br />

act type (see Chapter 1).<br />

13 Tannen (1984,33-4) describes this as an 'observer's paradox'.<br />

`14<br />

As with consent seeking episodes, these utterances occurred '<strong>of</strong>f-tape', usually as the<br />

machine was still beeping to signal the end <strong>of</strong> a particular side <strong>of</strong> a cassette. They are then also<br />

reconstructed from memory.<br />

15 1 have elsewhere referred to this dual role as one <strong>of</strong> 'doing socia(b)l(e) science' (see Philburn<br />

ý2002]).<br />

6 An additional problem in the German settings was my uniqueness as the 'Englishman'. I felt<br />

on occasion that I did attract undue attention on the basis <strong>of</strong> my cultural membership. This<br />

usually involving, me being asked in English about issues ranging from the state <strong>of</strong> the national<br />

football team to inquiries as to whether I would prefer'fish and chips'to the food prepared for<br />

other guests. Of course this both allowed humour to enter the conversation whilst providing an<br />

opportunity for participants to display their spoken English - invariably better than my spoken<br />

11

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