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approach advanced in Chapter 3.1 have drawn on both the observations set<br />

out in Chapter 6 regarding conversational alignment and Chapter 7 regarding<br />

sociable selves to illustrate how facework in sociable episodes can be<br />

demonstrated to be alignment <strong>of</strong> sociable selves.<br />

Fundamentally, what the preceding analysis has evidenced is that<br />

sociable episodes can be conceived <strong>of</strong> as being characterised by varying<br />

degrees <strong>of</strong> both positive and negative alignment, with certain primary<br />

alignments giving a particular skewing to any given sociable episode.<br />

Importantly, these various alignments have been shown to be contingent on<br />

the mobilisation <strong>of</strong> salient and routinely mobilised sociable selves - ones<br />

regularly drawn upon as symbolic resources by participants in each culture.<br />

Although this drawing from what is in effect a symbolic conversational pool <strong>of</strong><br />

routinely available sociable selves has been shown to occur equally routinely<br />

in both cultures, the analysis <strong>of</strong> the preceding data has evidenced some<br />

cultural variation in terms <strong>of</strong> the nature <strong>of</strong> the selves mobilised and the<br />

manner in which they are aligned in the achievement <strong>of</strong> sociability. This<br />

culturally expressive variation on a universal set <strong>of</strong> symbolic practices (i. e.<br />

alignment <strong>of</strong> sociable selves) has been shown to apply to both conversational<br />

selves as images (i. e. figures invoked in talk) and players (i. e. the selves<br />

employed to manage those figures in talk) (see G<strong>of</strong>fman 1967).<br />

Taking these basic premises <strong>of</strong> sociable conversation, what the<br />

preceding analysis has demonstrated is that the various sociable selves<br />

mobilised by participants in talk are ratified in and through the reciprocative<br />

mobilisation <strong>of</strong> supportive sociable selves in both primarily positively aligned<br />

and primarily negatively aligned contexts. For example, re-invoked selves<br />

have been shown to be ratified in and through the mobilisation and alignment<br />

<strong>of</strong> similar re-invoked selves (see 'Cookie's Party'), and agonistic selves are<br />

ratified in and through the mobilisation <strong>of</strong> similarly agonised selves (see<br />

'Internationale Arbeitslosigkeit') in the achievement <strong>of</strong> positively skewed<br />

alignment. Similarly, narrative selves have been shown to be ratified in and<br />

through the mobilisation <strong>of</strong> appropriate audiential selves (see 'Tommy Fields')<br />

and examinatory selves are ratified in and through the mobilisation <strong>of</strong><br />

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