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eing invariably solidaric in nature (see G<strong>of</strong>fman 1971; Brown and Levinson<br />

1987), they functioned to index commonality, and allow for the early revealing<br />

and testing <strong>of</strong> sociable selves and lines which may be later taken (see G<strong>of</strong>fman<br />

1967). In a way, these phases reminded me somewhat <strong>of</strong> snowstorm<br />

ornaments commonly available at Christmas time -a<br />

frantic sociable maelstrom<br />

in which participants are momentarily caught up. This feeling was exacerbated<br />

by the short lived bodily movement up to the point where seats were commonly<br />

taken and things settled down in preparation for the main phase <strong>of</strong> sociability.<br />

Indeed, there appeared to be limits on how much <strong>of</strong> this conversational work<br />

could be done in both cultures however, whilst still maintaining a semblance <strong>of</strong><br />

sincerity. Much complimentary solidaric behaviour <strong>of</strong> this sort seemed to have a<br />

limited conversational, indeed sociable, lifespan. Conversation generally turned<br />

away from in situ conversational resources, as matters from the outside world<br />

were introduced as the basis <strong>of</strong> topic development. It is these episodes <strong>of</strong><br />

focused conversational topic talk that I want to focus on in some detail in<br />

subsequent chapters as it is here that I feel the talk was less conditioned by the<br />

rules <strong>of</strong> the sociable occasion, than by the rules <strong>of</strong> sociable conversation (see<br />

Watson and Potter 1962).<br />

5.2 Aligning for Alignment<br />

As things settled down in both milieus, the collective focus turned to<br />

conversation - to things <strong>of</strong> common interest that could be talked about beyond<br />

ratificatory greetings or the 'here and now' environment. In short, topics <strong>of</strong><br />

conversation were sought for sociable development. These topics were not<br />

prescribed or agended ones, but rather pr<strong>of</strong>fered and taken up as part <strong>of</strong> the in<br />

situ practices <strong>of</strong> sociability by the participants themselves. Before moving on to<br />

the in depth analysis <strong>of</strong> the conversational data I want to outline the general<br />

essence on sociable episodes in both cultures by considering what topics were<br />

commonly talked about; and how participants generally aligned to the activity <strong>of</strong><br />

sociable topic talk as evidenced in the nature <strong>of</strong> their contributions.<br />

I should briefly here say something more about the notion <strong>of</strong> topic. Upon<br />

consulting the literature, topic proved to be as conceptually slippery and illusive<br />

125

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